THERE is much to be worried about when it comes to a politician with an explicitly communal background elected on an agenda for economic empowerment and regeneration. Yet, India, stereotyped as the world’s largest democracy, has chosen to do exactly that in electing Narendra Modi as the next prime minister of India. There are acute problems with India’s choice — a secular democracy electing a leader whose personal politics and style of ruling are exclusionary and authoritarian. Then again, the choice was for India’s voters and in the absence of any legal impediment for Mr Modi it is difficult to deny the legitimacy of his win. Going forward there can only be hope that the next India premier’s focus will be on once again accelerating India’s sagging growth rate, and also its redistribution problems, rather than the polarising politics of communalism. Much as India’s prime minister-elect is touted for spurring growth and running an efficient administration, the problems of crony capitalism and the licence raj remain acute. Spurring growth is often easier than ensuring equality of opportunity and a level playing field for all economic actors.

From a Pakistani perspective, where the transition to democracy continues, the Indian election could not be more crucial. Much hope is pinned on the reality that a centre-right government in Pakistan with genuine legitimacy and political support in the heartland can do business with a right-wing government in India — just as happened during the last stint of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif. The Pakistani premier has time and again vowed to pick up where he left off in 1998 and now that history has repeated itself in terms of electoral wins on both sides of the eastern border, the opportunity is present to do exactly that. Of course, hopes regarding long-term possibilities should be tempered by short-term realities. In Pakistan, civil-military relations are rickety, meaning Mr Sharif may not immediately seek rapprochement with India. In India, Mr Modi may try to assert his strongman credentials first to establish the perception of authority. However, if the optics and posturing are understood by both sides, there is the possibility for much genuine work towards normalisation of ties to be done.

Where progress is possible, indeed achievable, by now is well known. Trade to begin with, then the composite dialogue’s several baskets, including the so-called low-hanging fruit that are Sir Creek and Siachen, the growing concerns over water and a stable outcome of the transition in Afghanistan — all of that are key issues. India, of course, will focus on militancy and terrorism, especially progress on the Mumbai trials that seem to always get delayed here. On the flip side, Pakistan has grievances of its own and there are valid concerns about India-fomented trouble inside parts of Pakistan. As ever, political will is essential, and it remains to be seen if both sides can demonstrate it.

Published in Dawn, May 17th, 2014