The price of occupation

SIX more American soldiers were killed in Iraq on Wednesday. Even though this is not the single biggest casualty toll for a day, the deaths have taken the figure for the American dead to over 1,700. And this is not the end of the story, for there is no sign yet of the anarchy in Iraq coming to an end. More than two years after the end of the war and the overthrow of the Baathist regime, Iraq is virtually without a government. There may be a president and a prime minister, but the government they run is largely ineffective. In the streets, it is lawlessness that reigns supreme, and the resistance is showing no signs of abating. The Jan 30 elections were, no doubt, a success, mainly because of the Shia and Kurdish participation. But what has followed since is disquieting for all those who had hoped for a return to normality and the beginning of the constitution-making process in earnest. According to the time-table, the constitution must be ready by Aug 15. However, the parliamentary body that is to draft the basic law has not yet been formed because of a dispute over Sunni representation. The failure to draft a constitution could help the resistance by adding another cause to its list of grievances.

One reason that sustains resistance and fuels anger is America’s failure to announce a time-table for the withdrawal of its troops. Earlier this week, a White House spokesman repeated that it was not possible for America to give a withdrawal date. A day earlier, 128 Congressmen, including Republicans, had urged the administration to announce a withdrawal time-table. The White House spokesman said time-tables gave the “wrong message” and the US would not withdraw unless it had completed its mission. The spokesman defined America’s mission as winning the war on terrorism and “transforming a dangerous region of the world”. The spokesman did not specify how the region could be transformed into an area of peace and democracy, but it is obvious that the Bush administration’s current policy is hardly of the kind that would do so. Far from contributing to a successful war on terrorism, American policy has fuelled terrorism in Iraq and added to the Middle Eastern people’s misgivings about the Bush administration’s intentions. Worst still, Iraq under the Baathist was never a supporter of Osama bin Laden. But now, thanks to the US occupation, the man who is leading the Iraqi resistance is Mr Mosab al-Zarqawi, who is chief of Al Qaeda’s Iraqi chapter. If the present situation continues, there is no doubt that Al Qaeda will find Iraq fertile ground for its terrorist activities.

If America does not want to get bogged down in Iraq, it has no choice but to announce a withdrawal date. Of course, the US cannot quit Iraq in a hurry. An abrupt withdrawal could lead to an explosion of full-blown anarchy, followed, possibly, by a terrible civil war which could suck in some of Iraq’s neighbours. The safe course for America would be to work for the induction of a UN peacekeeping force to synchronize with the withdrawal of occupation forces. Once the UN force is in place it could organize an election. An electoral exercise held under UN auspices will be considered more credible by the people of Iraq and the world. A continuation of the present situation — which makes the occupation look open-ended — will mean more US casualties, besides agony for Iraq.

Sad day for democracy

FRIDAY indeed was a sad day for democracy in the Punjab Assembly. Continuing with his previous day’s suspension spree, Speaker Afzal Sahi has barred seven more opposition members — six from the PPP and one belonging to the PML-N — from attending assembly sessions for two weeks. The move follows similar restrictions imposed on PML-N parliamentary leader Rana Sanaullah Khan and one of his colleagues. It can be argued that Mr Khan’s remarks on the NFC award, as expressed by him the previous night, could have stoked provincialism if they were not expunged from the official record. But the ruling PML’s insistence on temporarily stripping him of his assembly membership and of those protesting against his banishment on Friday is taking things too far. The excessive punishment awarded to the opposition members by the speaker has no precedent in the history of the Punjab Assembly.

Unfortunately, expressions smacking of parochial or provincial prejudice are not unknown to our politics. Mr Nawaz Sharif had used the same card during Ms Benazir Bhutto’s first stint in power when he was the chief minister of Punjab. There was nothing to be proud of in the slogan ‘Jaag Punjabi jaag’ then; and there is much shame in what Mr Khan had to say on the NFC award now. Such outbursts contribute to the alienation of the smaller provinces. But what happened on Friday had nothing to do with discouraging provincialism. It points to a complete breakdown of dialogue between the ruling party and the opposition, to which the Punjab speaker himself is seen as a party. Mr Khan has long been a victim of official highhandedness: he was allegedly abducted, beaten and tortured by unidentified agency personnel in March 2003 for his criticism of the government. This is hardly the way to run a democracy, which rests on tolerance of dissent and a civilized political discourse.

Unending turf wars

WHILE one can hardly remember a time in the past two decades when Karachi was not in the grip of violence, recent events have shown how several parts of the city are fast turning into battlegrounds for warring political groups and gangsters of all hues. Three people have died so far in the latest turf war between the MQM and the Sunni Tehrik. As a result, businesses were brought to a standstill on Wednesday and Thursday in the old city areas of Kharadar, Mithadar, Ranchore Lines, etc. It is feared that once the schedule for the local body polls is announced, the situation will be further aggravated as the two rival parties step up their electoral activities. Only recently, Lyari was the scene of pitched battles between the henchmen of two gangsters, creating tense conditions for residents. Here too, there is a strong possibility of a resurgence in gang war, especially with crime dens proliferating in the area.

All this shows that the law enforcement agencies have utterly failed in their duty to protect the lives of the citizens and to maintain peace and public order in the violence-prone areas. In fact, they have often been accused of favouring one party or group over the other, either on the orders of government officials or out of monetary considerations. Caught in the sweep of violence and disruption are the common citizens who often find it difficult to carry on with normal lives and who have suffered severe business losses. It is for the government to find a way out of this logjam before more and more areas come under the lethal influence of squabbling political parties and criminals. While it has done well to announce a Rs. 50 million development project for Lyari, the government must ensure that this is implemented and that there is a heavy crackdown on crime in the area. At the same time, it would do well to advise the MQM and the Sunni Tehrik to resolve their differences amicably. Indeed, it should have occurred to the leaders of both parties that by settling scores through violence, they are blurring the difference between political parties and criminal gangs.