The QAU tragedy in wider perspective

THE bizarre tragedy at Quaid-i-Azam University campus last Tuesday cost the lives of two highly educated youths. The boy, apparently upset over the behaviour of his fiancee, had allegedly shot her point-blank before turning the gun on himself. The girl died on the spot while the boy expired five days later at PIMS on Sunday.

Relationships between students in co-educational institutions in Pakistan, if any, used to be discrete affairs. Today it has not only become a common phenomenon but it is also taking place quite openly on campuses.

It would not be inaccurate to describe the university campus as a virtual market for students to look for compatible life partners, comments one senior QAU faculty member.

Due in part to the influence of the electronic media, which is causing a rapid transition in the age-old traditions and cultures, courtship between students now goes on in full view of the public within the campuses, he says.

Previously, he observes, girl students only moved around campus with students of the same gender and they would never even enter the room of a male faculty member alone. Today there is very little of such inhibitions.

It is now common to see a boy and a girl sitting alone together and talking everywhere on campus — in the cafeteria, on the steps and on the lawns.

Still in many cases, in order to “legalize” the relationship, the boy and girl are said to be “engaged” although often they may actually not be, says the faculty member.

A chairman of a department says that there are at least five or six “couples” amongst the students in his department in every semester. There has even been cases of such relationships between students and unmarried faculty members.

But very few of such relationships actually end up in marriage, he observes. Although there is a desire amongst the students to find their own compatible marriage partner on campus, many of them relent when confronted with parental objection.

Invariably in every semester, says the above department chairman, a number of students, both male and female, come and see me about personal relationship problems. In one case, a student came to him and said that she didn’t want to marry the choice of her parents and wanted to continue further studies at the university so that she could continue to meet her choice of a marriage partner who was also studying there.

Such relationships between students have been the cause of many a brawl between boys on campus. Very often the topic of quarrels in the campus cafeteria is over a girl, and some of these have ended up in physical fighting.

The trouble usually arises, says one final semester student, when the parting of ways is one-sided. This normally happens when one partner says that the parents do not agree to their marriage.

In western societies, observes the above student, such breakup of relationships is normally taken in stride and easily accepted. Here in Pakistan, however, the reaction against such a breakup, whatever the reason may be, is more likely to be extreme because of certain embedded traditions.

For Pakistanis, especially boys, the emotions of honour, dignity and humiliation are stronger and these are, therefore, more likely to rule in a relationship-breakup situation here, says the final semester student.

What, perhaps, is needed, he suggests, is a professional counselling service within the campus where students with such problems can turn to for consultation and advice.

There is one such counselling service in Islamabad for adolescents called Youth Helpline. But a random check among QAU students shows that this service is practically unheard of and unknown on the campus.

Parents have a particularly important role to play as counsellors to their children in this age of cultural transition. But professional counselling centres where students can fall back on could help considerably where this role is somehow found wanting.

Finally, a note on the murder-suicide weapon in last week’s tragedy at QAU — the gun. This device is as common at QAU campus as it is in other universities, or for that matter all over the country, says a police official investigating the case. Unless we are able to reduce if not get rid of the gun culture in Pakistani society in general, we will continue to see the deadly effects of its use everywhere, not least of all in our universities, he laments.

Wanted — real democracy

THE Legal Framework Order fails the litmus-test of democracy, but it must be admitted that General Musharraf comes across as a well-meaning individual doing his utmost, within the parameters of his own thought-processes, to move the country forward towards progress and prosperity. Since he grasped the reins of absolute power, he and his handpicked ministers and advisers have worked diligently to bring about political and economic stability and they have succeeded to the extent possible under the conditions prevailing in Pakistan and the tense international situation.

Admitted that he can be regarded as a usurper of political power, but the majority of Pakistanis would agree that the kind of political rule, rather misrule, he usurped deserved to be disrupted. While one does not wish to justify a military takeover of civilian authority, yet Pakistan’s situation was peculiar in that the so-called democrats were ruling more like dictators and autocrats in utter disregard of the people’s rights and interests. We should understand Musharraf’s fears as we have all lived through that nightmare and would not wish to revert to it. Whatever criticism Musharraf has received, he has not been accused, even by his worst detractors, of being financially corrupt. This itself should be a source of some relief to the honest people of Pakistan.

But, as someone who has spent his career in the military mould, Musharraf seems to be finding it difficult to grasp certain political realities and requirements. His sincerity to bring about democracy cannot be doubted, and certainly he has achieved more in the political and economic fields than many so- called democrats who came before him. But the crucial and, perhaps the final test of his sincerity is now laid out before him in the shape of the contentious clauses of the Legal Framework Order. Will he too fail the test, as did his military predecessors, and once again plunge the country into political disarray? Will Musharraf insist on retaining his absolute political-cum-military powers and the entrenchment of the National Security Council? If so, then we are on our way back to square one, which would be a great tragedy after coming this far.

Right now it is imperative that Musharraf detach himself from himself, and from some of his quixotic advisers, and see the current political scene with complete objectivity. He must see the country’s future political viability and stability as more compelling than his own personal interests. The people of this country had no choice but to repose their trust in him and they have certain expectations from him. Musharraf has so far not let them down, but his crucial moment to fail or pass the ultimate test has now arrived. Will he open the door to a sane political future for Pakistan or will he cling to the undemocratic components of the LFO, believing that these treacherous clauses will produce different results in his hands? Assuredly they will not, because they constitute a political absurdity that has no place in the constitution of a civilized, democratic country.

The LFO creates the dilemma of having virtually two chief executives at the same time. It creates neither a check nor balance between the president and the prime minister, as some would erroneously have us believe, but rather an overlapping and duplication of the powers of the head of state and the head of government, thereby creating conflict and turmoil. It actually converts the prime minister into the nominal head of government while misplacing real political and executive power in the hands of the head of state, which is against all practicable norms of parliamentary democracy. Clause 58(2)B, in particular, is nothing but a handy instrument for subverting the democratic process through arbitrary dismissal of the prime minister and the elected legislatures.

As for the National Security Council, it turns the whole democratic process upside down. The military and civil bureaucracy is being given the over-riding power to regulate and control the fate of this country’s political future. The consequence of this would be that the elected cabinet ministers would become rubber-stamps in the hands of the bureaucracy. What was the need then to go through the hassle of elections just to set up a national assembly of ‘graduate’ puppets?

Either we adopt the parliamentary form of government or the presidential form of government. In a parliamentary democracy, the president must not be given the discretionary power to dismiss the prime minister or the elected members of parliament or to control the legislative process, because it debases the supremacy of parliament and thereby the sovereignty of the people who elected it. Neither should the president, in a parliamentary system be given the power to directly appoint defence chiefs and judges of the higher judiciary which would make them beholden to him, thus compromising their independence.

The collective body of popularly elected legislators must not allow themselves to be pressurized to delegate absolute and ultimate political power to an unelected or indirectly elected individual, thereby creating a virtual dictator in their midst. They would thus reduce themselves to mere lackeys, if not actually endanger their own existence. It is a ludicrous premise that a self-imposed leader possesses the genius to singly take decisions of such grave political import. In today’s world the theory of the divine right of rulers is considered laughable.

If the last elections were free, fair and transparent, as claimed, nobody has the right to interfere with the will of the people and the trust reposed by them in their popularly elected representatives to legislate directly on their behalf. The LFO, therefore, insults the collective wisdom of the whole nation by granting supra-political powers to a serving military general sitting atop the non-elected NSC.

There are already enough democratic checks and balances in our parliamentary system, but the problem is that they are not utilized properly owing to the lack of political culture and practices in this country, and apathy on the part of the people to hold wayward politicians and public servants accountable for their omissions and commissions.

The most important check is the displeasure of the voters who should not re-elect incompetent and corrupt politicians. But, because of our religio-feudal traditions, aggravated by illiteracy and lack of awareness of their political rights and duties, the voters mechanically re-elect the same failed politicians again and again.

Another important check on the prime minister and the ruling party is the presence of members of the opposition in parliament who should be constantly and aggressively on guard to find any defects or shortcomings in the government’s policies, proposals and actions .

The judiciary, through its power of judicial review and control on all legislation, whether in the federal or provincial assemblies, also acts as a protector of the Constitution and enforces the will of the people as embodied in it. It has the power to declare any law that is in opposition to the Constitution as ultra vires, though in Pakistan constitutional law has too often been twisted to suit the selfish interests of dishonest leaders.

Yet another check is the rule of law under which anyone, whether a president or prime minister, can be sued or prosecuted in ordinary courts of law for illegal acts committed even in their official capacity.

The freedoms of speech, association and publication, including a free press and electronic media, provide a further powerful check on the elected leadership as they allow the people to voice their opinion individually and collectively on political, economic and other important issues. A wise leadership is expected to heed the voice of the people.

People’s pressure groups, trade unions, mass rallies and demonstrations are other methods through which the political leaders are kept in check by the people. Of course, the higher the percentage of literacy in the country, the greater the chances of the elected leadership being compelled to bow to the stabilizing influence of the intelligentsia. This writer recommends that the subjects of ‘civics’ and ‘government’ be introduced at an early level in our schools so as to produce a more civic-minded and politically aware citizenry.

The reason why our democratic system failed at every turn was not due to any shortcoming in the 1973 Constitution, but because those who operated it were themselves sadly wanting in the requisite experience, knowledge, wisdom and strength of character. The nation has been suffocated by the network of immature, dishonest and self-serving politicians who abused and corrupted the system at every opportunity.

Our nouveau legislators have yet to prove themselves. Just winning the elections was the easiest part, especially as the path was conveniently cleared for them by General Musharraf. But instead of trying to help him in further perfecting the system, some of them seem to be bent on destroying whatever stability has been achieved so far.

Many of our present legislators have little or no experience in the science and art of politics. They must understand that as products of a constitutional aberration, the LFO, they themselves are components of a political experiment. They should also understand that the people harbour serious reservations about their political acumen and abilities, having so far witnessed only an absence of intellectual discussion and debate in the assemblies. This is not a time for politics of agitation but a time for serious contemplation on how to sort out the dangerous constitutional mess in which the country is bogged down. Both the ruling and opposition parties must shelve their differences for the time-being and put their heads together to solve this urgent problem.

For Musharraf too, if he wishes to remain president, the time has come for him to take the only correct decision available to him. He should submit himself for election, within a realistic time-frame not exceeding one year, for the post of constitutional head of state, through the necessary votes of the national and provincial assemblies. Bizarre political situations, such as ours, have to be solved through equally bizarre remedies which is preferable to unending confusion. Therefore, if our newly elected legislators wish to avoid any further political upheaval in the country, especially in the prevailing dangerous world situation, they should elect Musharraf as our civilian head of state without unnecessary commotion. Simultaneously with his installation as president, Clause 58(2)B and the NSC would become null and void, thereby clearing the way for proper legislative and democratic processes.

If Musharraf takes the correct decision, only the good he has done will be remembered. Will he give himself the chance to safely fold up his army uniform after his long battle in the political field?

The writer is a former ambassador

Sindh cabinet expansion

KAWISH this week comments on the expansion of the Sindh cabinet and points out that with the induction of two more ministers and 11 advisers, the province has got its largest cabinet so far. The daily says that a tug of war between three components of the ruling provincial coalition — the Pakistan Muslim League-Q, the Muttahida Qaumi Movement and the National Alliance — lies behind the unnecessary expansion as the number of ministers and advisers does not correspond with the portfolios and resources of Sindh.

On the other hand, the paper adds, a critical analysis of the complexion of the cabinet tells that out of the 34 cabinet members, only 15 are Sindhis and 19 are non-Sindhis. In this way, the quota of representatives of rural areas in the Sindh cabinet, which has always stood at 60 per cent, has been reduced. Moreover, distribution of portfolios tells that all the important portfolios, including those of home, finance, education, health and local bodies, have been awarded to non-Sindhis.

Not only that but for the first time in the history of Sindh, two separate advisers have been appointed to oversee the affairs of Karachi and the interior of Sindh. The paper says that these steps may revive controversies of the past.

The daily writes that the illogical expansion in the cabinet will put extra burden on the resources of Sindh, and the distribution of portfolios may divide the population of the province on ethnic lines. It will not help in good governance and will create a rift between the provincial government and local bodies.

Ibrat says the Sindh government has demanded that the Indus River System Authority should review its latest decision regarding the water distribution among the provinces.

The minutes of the Irsa session where the decision was taken reveal that Sindh was not represented by anybody with some understanding of the water issue. An officer on special duty and another low-level official of the province agreed to share water meant for downstream Kotri between Sindh and Punjab.

As far as the Sindh Assembly resolution against the Thal canal project is concerned, the daily adds, Prime Minister Mir Zafarullah Jamali has said that he has not received any document from the Sindh government in this regard. Ibrat urges the Sindh government to take up the province’s water case more effectively and not confine its effort to press statements.

Tameer-i-Sindh welcomes the Supreme Court verdict about reinstatement of 900 sacked employees of the Sui Southern Gas Company but says that there are other similar cases which should be taken up by the august court without further delay. The paper says that the Sindh government should also take measures to check the rising graph of unemployment in the province and provide job opportunities.

Sach refers to the killing of six bandits in a police encounter in a village in the Tando Adam area and raises the question whether the incident will lead to restoration of law and order in Sanghar district. The paper says that an extensive operation against bandits, their harbourers and supporters has become inevitable without which the writ of law can not be restored in the crime-infested province.