A test case for Jamali government
THE recurring rocket attacks in recent days on main gas pipelines supplying gas from Sui in Balochistan to Punjab and the NWFP province betray complete absence of adequate security arrangements for the protection of such vital communications lines that serve the domestic, commercial, industrial and transport requirements of northern Pakistan.
These are the worst cases of arson in the history of the country. It was suspected that rocket attacks were the cause of the three blasts and huge fires on the night of January 21 at Mazari Goth near Kashmore. But the 25 feet depth and fifty feet diameter of the crater under the destroyed pipes, and up to five hundred meter spread of the debris proves that a huge amount of explosive material was stored under the pipeline and then exploded by remote control or rocket fire.
This well planned sabotage by hired and trained terrorists sent tremors of shock and disbelief across Pakisan. After extensive repair work on January 22 and 23, the 24 inch gas pipe again exploded from rocket fire on the night of January 23. Some press reports suggested that these gas explosions were caused by gas leaks from repaired pipes. But there was an exchange of rocket fire on the nights of January 23 and 25 between Bugti and Mazari tribesmen.
One hundred explosions were heard and six rockets reportedly exploded near the gas pipelines which started leaking and subsequently exploded. This delayed the gas supply to Punjab and the NWFP for two more days. The area has become a battle ground, and writ of the state and authority of the provincial and federal governments does not exist there. Both the main pipelines of Sui Northern Gas again exploded in the morning hours of January 27. A huge crater of 60 feet diameter and 25 feet depth provides evidence of massively packed cordite explosion under the twin pipes. There is no doubt that trained terrorists with high expertise in handling explosives have been hired by local warlords for destroying the Sui gas pipelines.
That twenty nine rocket attacks have taken place against the gas fields, installations and pipelines in Dera Bugti, Goth Mazari, Kohlu and Marri areas during the last two years, and the tribes are still feuding and fighting each other with heavy weapons, proves that the provincial government has totally failed to impose its writ in these rebel-infested areas. The recent rocket attacks have played havoc with the entire industrial and agricultural infrastructure, CNG-dependent transportation, domestic gas supply and the energy sector in Punjab and the NWFP.
The people are disappointed with the incompetence of the government and the poor performance of the security agencies responsible for the protection of the gas pipelines. There are no security arrangements to stop the terrorists from striking at the pipelines again at will. News reporters visiting the damage site on January 27 did not find any sign of police or paramilitary forces. They were told that a few “jawans” of Balochistan Frontier Corps patrol 37 kilometer pipeline during the day, but there is no patrolling at night. There were a few policemen guarding WAPDA electric poles and wires. Emboldened by lack of security arrangements the terrorists and bandits have been regularly blasting the gas wells, installations and pipe Lines.
There are no signs that units of the Balochistan Frontier Corps will be deployed in strength under effective command. An action plan to deal with Bugti and Mazari tribes awaits Prime Minister Jamali’s return from his Gulf tour. The safety of over five thousand miles long Sui gas pipeline will remain precarious till a strategic plan is made for its protection.
The terrorists and saboteurs in Balochistan have declared war to cripple Pakistan’s economy and society. The suspension of gas supply to several areas of Punjab and NWFP has affected millions of households, industrial workers, industry, trade, restaurants, hotels, bakeries, Tandoors, business, transportation and electric power supply. There are plans to quickly restore gas supply for domestic purposes, but the one for the industries will take some time. Millions of industrial workers are told to go home at factory gates. They are on the verge of starvation.
Losses to the industry are running into billions. It is a difficult period for exporters, because consignments will have to be air-freighted to honour commitments. Disruption of gas supplies in the cold winter has created serious health problems. With no heating in houses and hospitals many patients may also catch cold and pneumonia. The rocket explosions have also caused damage to the pipelines supplying water to the Sui purification plant from Guddu. The supply of water has been suspended.
A bus belonging to the Sui Gas Company was looted at Goth Mazari near Rajanpur last week. The bandits took the passengers hostage. The criminals cut and stole high voltage wires by cutting off electric power supply to Dera Bugti and Sui. They also uprooted and damaged electricity poles. The town of Dera Bugti is still without electricity. On January 27 DSP Rana Taher and Police Inspector Mohamamd Farooq were kidnapped along with their gun man and driver. The DSP was thrown out of the police vehicle, but the bandits have disappeared into the hills with the rest and the vehicle..
That the criminals have found a safe heaven in the hilly areas of Balochistan and can stage rocket attacks and kidnappings at will and get away comfortably should be a matter of grave concern for the provincial and the federal governments. It is a pity that the security agencies are so helpless and the authorities so inefficient and unconcerned. Well armed and trained thugs being under the protection of warlords have no fear of the law of the land and writ of the state.
Nawab Akbar Bugti in an interview to a popular TV channel on January 27 said that, “Balochistan belongs to the Baloch people and not to outsiders. With a party which has manipulated into power with a powerless prime minister, the future is uncertain. We remain deprived and exploited... Tribal feuding is part of the Baluch culture, but we protect women and children. The government is like a corpse. Divide and rule is its policy. Jamali Government does not wish that conflict and feuding ends. Bugtis and Mazaris are brothers, but there are feuds between us, and both sides suffer heavy losses.
“The Bugti and Jhakrani feud continued for forty years. But in 1985 we held a jirga at Sui and settled our disputes. The tribes have special interests, and control of natural resources is our primary demand. We are not beggars. We own the natural resources, but these are being exploited for the benefit of others. We will not allow others to steal our wealth. Your sensitive installations will remain insecure, because you have pilfered, what belongs to our people.” Coming from the most powerful Baloch sardar, these are strong words. It is astonishing that Nawab Akbar Bugti is so critical of the first prime minister from Baluchistan. The provincial government is apparently helpless and unable to tackle the rebellious situation and hostile actions against state property and people’s lives.
The provincial governments, especially the government of Balochistan is conspicuous for its passivity and inaction. This tardiness must end and the errant tribal sardars and Baloch warlords must be stopped from enhanced reckless actions. The Jamali government must formulate an action plan to deal with nationalist anarchists and implement the security plan with resolute will and full power of the state.
The writer is a retired Air Marshal of the PAF.
A needed shot in the dark
NO one has a foolproof way of steeling Americans against the very real dangers that bioweapons pose. The Bush administration’s campaign to eliminate smallpox as a potent option for terrorists, however, is by and large a reasonable effort worthy of support.
Last month, the administration began phase one mandatory vaccinations of half a million military personnel. It had hoped to begin phase two voluntary inoculations of half a million police, fire and emergency medical specialists on Friday.
Few of those so-called first responders, however, are likely to see their upper arms poked by vaccine-laden needles soon, however, because of growing, if mostly misplaced, legal and safety concerns.
Some hospitals are exercising reasonable caution _ delaying inoculations, for instance, until they are sure they have enough staffing to cope with the side effects the vaccine can cause. And county public health officials can’t be blamed for delaying their programmes until federal authorities complete guidelines, expected early next month, on how to safely administer the vaccine.
Health and Human Services Secretary Tommy G. Thompson should ensure that those safety measures are thorough, based on a frank disclosure of any adverse effects military doctors have noticed since they began the inoculations.
Still, there is a world of difference between hospitals and counties endeavouring to vaccinate their workers cautiously and the recent bleatings from more self-interested employee unions and hospitals. Some hospitals, for instance, say they won’t even think of vaccinating until they are guaranteed they will be held blameless for any harm the vaccine might cause.—Los Angeles Times
Putting the wrong foot forward
WITH the escalation of the crisis over Iraq, signs of growing strains in Pakistan’s relations with the United States are surfacing. Whether it is the Indian allegations of Pakistan’s involvement in cross-border terrorism or suspicions of Pakistan protecting the activists of Al Qaeda and the Taliban escaping into its territory from Afghanistan, the American establishment does not seem to attach much credibility to Pakistan’s claims of innocence.
There is a belief in Washington that the success of the fundamentalist Muttahida Majlis-i-Amal (MMA) in the recent elections in Pakistan could not have been possible without help from a section of the ruling establishment in Islamabad. Such beliefs and conjectures may have less to do with verified facts and more a product of anti-Muslim hysteria gripping America in the wake of 9/11.
Prime Minister Zafarullah Jamali touring the Gulf states at the time of writing and Foreign Minister Khurshid Kasuri on his first official visit to Washington have been trying to remove such impressions. They contend that there is no basis to such misapprehensions maintaining that Pakistan “values its ties with the US too much” to allow any acts or omissions to jeopardize these ties.
Reports appearing in a section of the US media that Pakistan provided nuclear weapons-related technologies to North Korea beginning in the late 1990s have also tended to strain US-Pakistan relations. As an official update on the state of Washington’s relations with Pakistan points out these media reports have “spurred some members of the US Congress to seek a renewal of proliferation-related aid restrictions against Pakistan.”
Any such legislative sanctions at a time when the overwhelming sentiment in Pakistan is against any form of support for President Bush’s war plans against Iraq, is bound to create complications for the Jamali government. Indeed, soon it may find itself caught in a realistic policy in respect of terrible dilemma of continuing to provide the support and cooperation the US expects in fighting terrorism and avoid antagonizing the people in the county in doing so.
It is obvious that the government cannot afford to lose the substantial economic support which Washington has extended to Pakistan in recognition of its cooperation in the US-led campaign against terrorism. At the same time, Islamabad is in no position to disregard the popular sentiment which is strongly opposed to President Bush’s actions and policies affecting Muslims. Ideally, Pakistan would hope that the threat of a war against Iraq would gradually abate. However, judging from what President Bush has said in his State of the Union address to the Congress on Tuesday, there is hardly any likelihood of that happening.
If the US prevails on the Security Council to consider sanctioning the use of force against Iraq, Pakistan, which has recently been elected to the UNSC, would find itself in a bind deciding whether to support or oppose such a move. If it votes against the use of force, it is bound to incur the wrath of Washington and face all the consequences that would flow from such an action. On the other hand, if it supports the US position, Prime Minister Jamali’s government is bound to confront a severe public reaction at home which may well jolt it to its very foundation. On the other hand, if Pakistan seeks an escape route by deciding to abstain from voting — unless it does so in concert with a number of other members — Washington might still look upon this as an unfriendly act and put the heat on Pakistan.
In view of the imponderables one hopes that Washington would not create too many difficulties for Pakistan. Already it has its plate full. It has been placed in a very awkward situation as a result of a acerbic statement by the US ambassador in Islamabad while addressing the American Business Council in Karachi the other day. Ms Nancy Powell peramplorily asked Pakistan “to ensure that its pledges are implemented to prevent infiltration (into Indian held Kashmir) across the Line of Control (LoC) and end the use of Pakistan as a platform for terrorism.” She cryptically reminded Pakistan that “the new relationship between the US and Pakistan is not just about September 11.”
It seems that Ambassador Powell has virtually accepted the Indian point of view on the question of the real source of unrest in held Kashmir. In utter disregard of the ground realities, she ignored the fact an armed struggle being waged by the people of the disputed territory over the last 13 years for their right of self-determination. Ms Powell equated it with terrorism. In fact, even the language that she used to express her views was not very different from how New Delhi had been depicting the situation in Kashmir. Perhaps as an after-thought Ms Nancy Powell added that she hoped that the US would succeed in its objective “to facilitate a dialogue on Kashmir.”
Going by the newspaper report of her speech, she made no mention of the excesses and violations of human rights that the Indian forces have been inflicting on the people of the occupied valley. She also failed to take notice of Pakistan’s repeated proposal that the LoC be patrolled by neutral observers to ensure against any illegal activity, including infiltration, across this dividing line.
What is a matter of even greater concern is the report (from Washington) that the US State Department was not particularly “worried about the calls (by Pakistanis) for the expulsion of Ambassador Powell.”
To make matters worse, the US ambassador in New Delhi, barely two days after Ms Nancy Powell’s controversial speech in Karachi, picked up the theme of terrorism and drew a parallel between the events of September 11 two years ago and a terrorist attack on the Indian parliament in New Delhi in December 2001. Ambassador Blackwell, who often assumes the responsibility of expressing India’s viewpoint rather than that of his own government, also made cryptic observations about India’s and America’s own experience at the hands of “international terrorists.” He spoke of “ethnic, nationalist and separatist terrorist groups with ideological motivations who attract recruits by perverting great religious traditions” and who are a threat to both India and the US.
Although the ambassador did not identify any particular group but the Indian leaders often refer to the Kashmiri freedom fighters as “separatists” motivated by ties of religion. If the US ambassador had the Kashmiri freedom fighters in mind he certainly exceeded his diplomatic discretion in implying a parallel between the freedom in Kashmir and acts of terror and anarchy.
A careful reading of the text of Ambassador Blackwell’s speech at the conference in New Delhi on January 27 seems to suggest that between them the US and India can underwrite lasting peace in Asia. He is utterly wrong in thinking that the objective can be achieved without resolving the problems and disputes straining inter-state relations in South Asia and without involving countries like China, Pakistan and Bangladesh in any regional or wider normalization process.
Is Mr Blackwell suggesting that Washington is about to drop Pakistan from its plans for progress and development in the region? If so, he perhaps needs to be reminded that the former Soviet Union too had an ambitious Asian security plan but it did not quite materialize because it too had chosen to keep many Asian states out of it.
A new stealth weapon
THE ever-escalating race to fool the thumbs of TV viewers with remotes and other ad-zapping gadgets is moving to a new level. TV owners, beware. A couple of programme producers have re-devised an old-fashioned approach to ads.
In a series of live variety shows on the WB Network next summer they’ll replace commercial breaks and their numerous 30-second spots with product placements, inserting advertisers’ products into the programme.
This will presumably prompt millions to urgently down a Pepsi while chatting on their Nokia phone. And it may avoid the ad detections that turn off some TV recorders or prompt real-time viewers to hop to another channel for 210 seconds.
In TV’s earliest days, advertisers bought broadcast time and filled it with their own programming of characters who, wonder of wonders, used the sponsors’ wonderful products. So the term “soap opera” grew from the abnormal frequency of characters doing their laundry on-air with Tide or Duz. More recently, you may have noticed James Bond’s taste in cars, watches and liquor changing by the film. No accident. At the recent Product Placement Awards in Australia the top prize went to the movie “Minority Report,” which slipped into the story a Lexus, Nokia, Oakley sunglasses, Reebok shoes, American Express, Burger King and Gap clothing under the direction of Steven Spielberg, who once had E.T. eat Reese’s Pieces.
Advertisers fund television. Most magazines and newspapers too, for that matter. They have a right to get their message out, and viewers or readers have a right to memorize or dodge them as desired.—Los Angeles Times