THE hatred heaped on the iconic, defiant teenage survivor of Taliban oppression, Malala Yousafzai, is symptomatic of a much wider malaise.

Whatever the more immediate reason(s) for demonising her, the underlying sentiment has to be disdain for a woman who doesn’t conform to our view of the ‘fairer sex’ as a hooded, faceless mother, sister, daughter and wife whose role is to cook, bear children and clean the home. That’s it.

Such a woman must play second fiddle to the man in her life and be content with the crumbs of ‘respect, comfort and security’ (never equality) thrown her way. She must be a silent sufferer of violence of varying descriptions if her nightmare is to be compared with the majority of her sisters in our culture and society that we see as ideal and better than all others.

Why else would we throw acid in the face of a woman whose exercise of her right to expression makes her defiant beyond redemption and worthy of punishment? Why else would we wish to retain a law that holds that when a rape survivor reports the crime, she lays herself open to an adultery charge?

There are many, many examples of this happening. This is the law we behold. This is how we look at half our population.

It isn’t surprising then that the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) issued statement after statement justifying why they targeted Malala Yousafzai and expressed no remorse. Even political groups and politicians who can be described as democratic have been ambivalent about the heroic deed of the TTP’s Swat nemesis. Leaders of the Jamaat-i-Islami (JI), who are forever forthcoming in their advice to rape victims to forget any attempt at seeking justice by trying to register a criminal complaint unless they have ‘four witnesses’ to their ordeal, when pressed on Malala describe her as ‘our daughter’. But then a series of ifs and buts follows which dilutes the original view.

Jamshed Dasti, the ‘commoner’ who held his own against the top guns of the feudal heartland of southern Punjab to win a National Assembly seat, and till the last parliament was associated with the (relatively woman-friendly) PPP, has also earned much infamy as a misogynist.

While in the past he has lashed out against Mukhtaran Mai (whose valour following her gang rape would shame the bravest among us), calling her names and questioning her ordeal which was the result of a jirga decision, he has now referred to Malala and her story as mere drama.

Dasti gets slammed because he is open with his views on independent women who raise their voice against accepted, no matter how obnoxious, norms. He appears a semi-literate man with a local following perhaps because he represents some sort of warped defiance to the feudals of the area who retard all development.

Hand on heart, tell me what percentage of half our population (ie men) privately/publicly thinks like Dasti, or have ideological beliefs that make them agree with the Jamaat’s worldview, or simply justify a secondary, subservient status for women in the name of tribal tradition or honour. Honour? Yes, honour.

Surely, you’d say, all these categories must constitute a minority. But do they? Look at the main political parties and count how women figure in them prominently.

In the run-up to the last election, the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf (PTI) put together a coalition of conservative sections of the population in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and the urban elite and middle class, including many educated, working women in Sindh and Punjab.

That the PTI, which almost cobbled together a ‘seat-adjustment’ with the JI before the polls and later formed an alliance with the religious party to form a government in Peshawar, would not have a woman minister in the provincial cabinet isn’t surprising.

Its flexibility and appeal for those among the educated urban middle class and elite in Sindh and Punjab to the religious elements, including Taliban apologists even if not outright sympathisers, in its power base of KP would probably dictate such a policy. Had it won Punjab perhaps it would have inducted many women in the cabinet. The PTI is far less ideological than many believe it to be. But what’s the PML-N’s excuse for giving abysmally token cabinet representation to women in the Punjab cabinet and at the centre?

When it was feeling the PTI heat in its heartland and feared Imran Khan’s appeal to young men and women particularly in urban Punjab, the intelligent and astute Maryam Nawaz was introduced into the campaign.

This appeared to be the PML-N’s best foot forward. Like her mother, she is clearly far more intelligent than the several male members of the family we have seen on public display.

They include the visionary leader, his administrative maestro brother and the brother’s frankly unintelligent-sounding son who is said to have been given a big role in the province as the chief minister’s administrative skills are made available to realise the prime minister’s vision in Islamabad.

Maryam Nawaz’s contribution to the PML-N’s win can be compared with her mother Kulsoom Nawaz’s cerebral and courageous leadership in keeping the party alive during the days after the 1999 coup when machinations by the military regime led to fast depleting ranks in the PML-N.

So, when the chips are down it is women and then business as usual. (No, I am not a great supporter of dynastic politics but also accept and acknowledge the people’s right to vote for anyone they want.)

Even before talks have begun with the TTP ‘stakeholders’, society has more or less conceded half their agenda by its attitude towards women. That is why iconic Malalas are a sty in the eye of obscurants and misogynists. They give hope, inspire millions like my Alia and Elena to stand up and demand their rights, and challenge a narrative that should have no place in the 21st century.

The writer is a former editor of Dawn.

abbas.nasir@hotmail.com