Unsurprisingly, the prospect of Modi’s return is most distressing for India’s minorities.
Many reforms on which we have reached an agreement with the IMF should have been undertaken earlier.
The local government system has never been a priority for democratically elected governments in the past.
Looking for a foreign hand behind the rise of a nationalist movement does not help resolve the problem.
Greater reliance on technocrats in a parliamentary form of government weakens the political process.
An attempt to return to a centralised state will have very serious political repercussions.
The drift seems unstoppable. The performance of the government shows the limits of populism.
PTI infighting has worsened the predicament of a government facing serious challenges on every front.
Mullah Baradar has been credited for rebuilding the Afghan Taliban into an effective fighting force.
Pakistan’s situation today suggests that it will not be able to generate a demographic dividend.
There has to be a process through which former jihadists are strictly scrutinised before being reintegrated.
This time the civil and military leadership have shown much resolve to deal with the problem.
Such reckless action by India could easily spiral out of control and turn into a full-blown military conflagration.
Pakistan’s response to India’s war hysteria has indeed been a measured one.
It will be difficult for the government to achieve its objectives in an atmosphere of political confrontation.
The 18th Amendment may well have contributed to the country’s remaining on the path of democracy.
Will the Taliban agree to a ceasefire and sit across the table with the Kabul government?
The Sahiwal tragedy raises questions about the impunity granted to the law enforcers.
Our prime minister must realise that societal transformation requires clear vision.
Political engineering by the PTI in Sindh is not likely to work.