A sorry state of affairs

Published August 21, 1999

IT IS rare for an elected leader in Pakistan to complete half his or her term of office. To this extent, Nawaz Sharif has some cause to celebrate although he would be well advised to hold the champagne or whatever his favourite brew is.

But despite his crushing parliamentary majority, the last two-and-a-half years have not been smooth sailing for the PM. His government has been rocked by a series of crises, mostly of his own making. From the showdown with the ex-President and ex-Chief Justice to the abrupt dismissal of the previous army chief, Nawaz Sharif has governed with all the pulse-racing, ulcer-causing abandon of a compulsive gambler.

This roller-coaster ride may not have taught the Muslim League leader any lessons, but it has brought home to the rest of us the importance of an effective opposition. Without this essential pillar of democracy, this government has run roughshod over every institution, demolishing established checks and balances for short-term gains. But the opposition, reduced to tatters in the Muslim League landslide in 1997, is still reeling from the plethora of evidence of corruption against its leader, Benazir Bhutto.

However, despite the difficult times the PPP is passing through currently, it remains the only political alternative to the Muslim League. And the sooner it emerges from its present slump the better for it and the country. Unfortunately, its fortunes are so closely linked to the fate of the Bhuttos that their leader's current woes have prevented its resurgence in the wake of the ruling party's difficulties. Nevertheless, whatever our feelings for Benazir Bhutto and her spouse, it is in our interest to see the revival of the PPP. As we have witnessed time and again, the large number of 'tonga' parties and religious and ethnic groupings may be fine to build an anti-government alliance, but they have no hope of gaining power through the electoral process.

I have often asked my PPP friends why they don't dump Benazir Bhutto as she has become such a liability for their party. They tell me that whatever their personal reservations about their leader, the fact is that without her, the party would split along provincial lines. Apparently, she is the only one with the stature to hold it together. This is a sad reflection on a political organization established thirty years ago, but this state of affairs is an indication of the lengths Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, his widow and his daughter have gone to in order to ensure that the party should remain a family fiefdom.

In or out of power, the rivalries and tensions between senior members of the party seethe just below the surface. This infighting is encouraged by Benazir Bhutto who has ensured that nobody can question her leadership. This is precisely why there have never been any elections within the PPP: apart from wanting to handpick her close associates, the PPP leader does not wish a colleague to establish a base within the party.

Given these in-built (or Bhutto-built) problems and constraints, how can the PPP hope to stage a comeback on the national stage? Khalid Ahmed, the well-known journalist and an old friend, sent me a paper he wrote recently on the subject called "What the PPP should do."

Basically, Khalid has argued that the Kargil fiasco represents a watershed in our history, and has handed the PPP an opportunity to present the country with a clear-cut alternative. Instead of being a Muslim League clone, it should revert to its roots of being a secular, liberal and progressive party. The party leadership must realize that the army is a conservative, right-wing institution that will neither welcome nor facilitate its return to power. Therefore, instead of constantly trying to appease it and blindly supporting its high-risk policies in the region, the PPP must recognize that the world has changed.

Economic strength and not military might determines a country's standing in the world. In this scenario, nations need to think and act in a responsible, rational manner to gain the respect and the support of the world community.

I have compressed Khalid Ahmed's arguments ruthlessly, and I hope he will excuse me for any distortions that may have crept in. However, he has strongly advocated the PPP's return to its liberal, secular origins so that it can serve as a beacon for the constituency that was drawn to it since its inception and which now feels abandoned. I feel that while it is difficult to argue against Khalid's entirely sensible ideas, the problem lies in convincing Benazir Bhutto. And even if she bought these proposals now, she would probably try and court right-wing support whenever it was politically expedient.

My PPP friends in Karachi would add another couple of requirements that may be even harder for their leader to accept: according to them, she should return at once; the legally trained among them are confident that the Supreme Court would grant her bail even if she was arrested. And her presence in the court would strengthen her appeal immeasurably. But above all, she needs to apologize to the nation for her acts of omission and commission (mostly the latter). They are confident that our emotional countrymen would forgive her at once and rally to her support. Unfortunately, I don't think this admission of guilt will come easily to somebody of Benazir Bhutto's arrogance.

Pakistan is truly a unique country. Two-and-a-half years ago, the PPP was shattered and its leader reviled around the world. But in a very short period, Nawaz Sharif has created conditions for the return of his nemesis through his bull-in-a-china-shop style of governance. Unfortunately, her own limitations as a person and as a politician prevent her from capitalizing on her rival's blunders.

Normally, we would shrug our shoulders, say "Too bad!" and get on with life. But alas, we are stuck with the PPP, warts and all. If our hard-won democracy is to function at all, a viable opposition is essential. And if the opposition is as shop-worn and soiled as the PPP, there is very little we can do about it. However, its leader has been presented a golden opportunity to burnish her and her party's image and return to the fray. But I would be pleasantly surprised if she were to bite the bullet and come out with a plea of "Mea Culpa!" to the nation.

Maybe she is waiting for all of us to say: "BB come back. All is forgiven."

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