| March 01, 2008 | Saturday | Safar 22, 1429 |
|
Delicate art of coalition making
AS the slow, painstaking process of putting together clear majorities in the federal and provincial assemblies inches forward, we seem to be finally approaching the endgame for the old order.
The recent meeting in Islamabad that brought together the elected members of the PPP, the PML-N and the ANP was as conclusive a show of strength as anybody could wish for. The sight of 171 members-elect breaking bread together must have come as a bitter blow to Musharraf and his cohorts. Even at this late stage in the game, the establishment must be hoping against hope for a break in opposition ranks that would provide Musharraf with a tenuous grip on power. But the best he can hope for now is a graceful exit. The only advice I can give him is the sooner he departs, the better for him and the country. After nearly nine years in power, he wore out his welcome a long time ago.
After the elections, I have met many in the drawing rooms of Lahore and Karachi who are still moaning and groaning about the results. “Ah”, they ask. “But can the PPP and the PML-N really work together?” Or, in a reference to past allegations of corruption against both Asif Zardari and Nawaz Sharif, they ask sardonically: “Can a leopard really change its spots?”
I can only ask these types — and they are legion! — to cut the emerging new order some slack. If they were prepared to shut their eyes to the massive misrule and corruption that took place under Musharraf, surely they can give elected politicians the benefit of the doubt, even if they cannot wish them well.
The real problem is the willingness of the elite to accept and support authoritarian rule, but to reject the possibility that ordinary Pakistanis are capable of deciding who will govern them. At the risk of repeating myself, I can only suggest that we need to take a deep breath and come to terms with a durable democratic system that is not derailed every few years by ambitious generals.
True, there are many loose ends that still need to be tied. And as in any coalition, there are going to be strains and stresses. But each time there is a political crisis, there really is no need to panick and call the army to the rescue. Or, indeed, to throw out a democratically elected government every time there are allegations of corruption in the media.
Over the years, if I had received a dollar each time I was accused of condoning corruption because of my advocacy of democracy, I would be a rich man now. For some reason, many readers feel that because I oppose military rule and support democracy, I must have a personal angle. Just for the record, and before hostile emails are directed at my inbox, let me say that I do not stand to gain under an elected government, and nor did I suffer any personal loss under Musharraf.
The truth is that in Pakistan, politics gets very deeply personal, and rather than discussing the merits and demerits of institutions and laws, we get bogged down in arguments over personalities. Thus, it becomes Musharraf versus Zardari and Sharif, not dictatorship versus the rule of law.
“What do you have against Musharraf?” I was often asked when Benazir Bhutto was still alive. “Why do you support BB against him? We all remember the corruption and the misrule she presided over. And Nawaz Sharif was just as bad. At least Musharraf has given us some stability, and he is personally a decent and honest man.”
Never having met Mr Musharraf, I will say nothing about his person. However, as the retired head of the country’s most powerful political force, I can say with certainty that he is responsible for destroying many institutions. By the same token, neither elected leaders in the nineties were given an opportunity to provide us with good government. Indeed, on four occasions, their governments were toppled in a game of musical chairs orchestrated by unscrupulous presidents and generals.
Shujaat Hussain, the defeated leader of the PML-Q, has said his party would ‘protect’ Musharraf. I’m afraid if the president is going to depend on the PML-Q for protection, he would be better off retiring to safer climes. In fact, the Chaudhries will be lucky to have a party to lead in a few weeks, judging by the rate at which the rats are jumping from the badly listing SS PML-Q.
Many columnists and editorial writers have given the leaders of the PPP and the PML-N agendas and wish lists for the coming months. I will resist the temptation to tell them how to run the next government. But I will dilate briefly on the pitfalls of running coalitions.
Firstly, partnerships are as fragile or as solid as the egos of those in charge. Unlike the army, which speaks with one voice, political parties have strong individuals around whom power centres form. They tend to tug their parties in different directions, and often make statements and take decisions that can jar, or even shake, the coalition.
The trick lies in not panicking. After all, the leader of a political party is not the general of an army, no matter how much he wishes he were. The coalition partners need to set up a small, high-level committee that can sort out issues that are bothering any one of the parties. The media, especially our unbridled TV channels and newspapers, are bound to sensationalise every real or perceived difference.
The senior-most coalition partners could meet periodically to review how they are doing, and clear up any misunderstandings. Above all, they must resist the temptation to make hasty statements to the media. All too often, minor issues can snowball into major altercations. Above all, the leaders of the major parties about to form coalitions at the centre and the provinces must remember that many in the establishment would love to see them fail. They will use every dirty trick in the book to destabilise the elected governments and pave the way for a return of martial law.
The last nine years were not just a bad dream: they really happened, and must not be allowed to return.
