Low Graphics Site
White bar
.: Latest News :. .: News in Pictures :.
Dawn e-paper

Daily SectionMarker



Misc SectionMarker

Horoscope Recipes Weekly SectionMarker

Weekly SectionMarker



Pakistan's Internet Magazine
Herald

Archive, Search

Weather

FrontPage National International Local Business KSE Forex Sports Editorial Opinion Letters Features Today's Cartoon TV Guide Cowasjee Irfan Hussain Jawed Naqvi Mahir Ali Kamran Shafi The Review Dawn Magazine Young World Images Dawn Group Subscription To Advertise

DAWN - the Internet Edition


November 09, 2008 Sunday Ziqa'ad 10, 1429


Editorial


A ‘different approach’
Local disparities in Punjab
Industry relocation
OTHER VOICES - Indian Press
No home-grown education system
New first lady



A ‘different approach’


EVEN though the financial crisis, which he pledged on Friday to tackle ‘head on’, is his first priority, Barack Obama has no choice but to clear the foreign policy mess being left behind by the Republican administration. At his first news conference as president-elect, Obama said he would adopt ‘a different approach’ towards the Muslim world, though he gave no indication how he intended to do this. Reacting to a letter from Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmedinejad, Obama said he would not respond to sensitive issues in ‘a knee-jerk fashion’. In his message, Ahmedinejad hoped that the new man in the White House would distance himself from the policies followed by President George Bush, especially with regard to the people of Palestine, Iraq and Afghanistan. There is no doubt Obama’s election has aroused among the Muslim peoples a degree of hope which the new president will have to take into account while charting a new course away from the minefield left behind by the neocons.

While 9/11 was no doubt a monstrous crime, the way the Republican administration went about conducting its war on terror proved counterproductive and alienated even those sections of Muslim opinion which considered terrorism a threat not just to America or the West but first and foremost to the Muslims themselves.

The Bush administration angered the Muslim world by attacking Iraq, even though Baghdad neither had weapons of mass destruction nor was it in anyway connected to Al Qaeda. Israel considered Baathist Iraq its main threat, and President Bush went about destroying it. The Republican administration also failed to realise that there was a relationship between terrorism and unresolved issues like Kashmir and Palestine. More unfortunately, the Bush government seemed to ignore the fact that Israel and India were using the war on terror as a cover to de-legitimise genuine movements for self-determination. Foreign policy in America is a bipartisan affair, notwithstanding the differences in shades. Its one immutable principle is unqualified support not just to Israel’s security but to all its wars and depredations and its obstinacy in refusing to withdraw from the occupied territory. In that context the appointment of Rahm Emanuel, an Israeli sympathiser, as the White House chief of staff is a significant development.

In Afghanistan and Fata, American missile attacks have killed more civilians than militants, and yet there is no indication that the insurgency on either side of the Durand Line is anywhere near defeat. Mercifully, there have been peace signals from the Bush administration during the last few months. Obama must pay attention to these moves, which also have European support. If America’s new leader wants to cast his country in a new image, he will have to abandon the Bush administration’s unilateralism which relied on force to solve problems which could have been tackled by talks.

Top



Local disparities in Punjab


GENERALISATIONS mask reality and lead to oversimplified, sweeping judgments. One such judgment of our times is that Punjab is getting rich at the expense of the rest of the country. Though generally true, this hides certain specifics that clearly suggest that a lot of small detail in the big picture of a prosperous, developed Punjab is not all that pleasant. A research report quoted in the press recently asserts that some regions in the province are doing worse than even the remotest and seemingly most deprived areas in the country. The report put together by the Pakistan Institute of Development Economics (PIDE) actually makes some stunning revelations. The highest rate of infant mortality in Pakistan is not to be found in some far-flung district in Balochistan but in Sargodha, a district situated in the heart of Punjab. District Layyah in West Punjab, though slightly far-off the centre but still closer to the seats of wealth and power than Chaman in Balochistan and Thar in Sindh, has a higher incidence of poverty and lower rate of literacy than any other place in Pakistan.

Whether it is by design or by default is irrelevant. What matters is that the development process should have no favourites: when we open schools, construct hospitals, build roads and set up businesses we should not pick and choose between different parts of the country. In fact, the more backward an area is, the more it deserves the government’s attention: it should receive more money on an urgent basis to improve its development indicators. Thus alone will it succeed in catching up with the front-runners and bridging the gap.

Unfortunately this is hardly so. A report prepared by the Lahore University of Management Sciences confirms that there are glaring disparities among different regions within Punjab that have persisted over the decades. Incidence of poverty in western and southern districts in the province is more than twice as high as it is in northern and central districts. The percentage of children who do not go to schools in western and southern parts of the province is more than double that in northern and central Punjab. Not so surprisingly, people in the least developed areas in Punjab see all the hype about their province surging ahead economically as just that — hype whose reality disappears in thin air much before it can reach them. Sweeping judgments to the contrary hardly convince them.

Top



Industry relocation


FINALLY a plan is reported to be on the anvil to rid Islamabad of the pollution that had long been caused by factories located in the capital’s Industrial Area. The project of shifting the major polluting industries — steel and marble — is part and parcel of the proposed establishment of a new industrial zone in a locality further away from the heart of the city, a plan provided for under a recent review of the Islamabad Master Plan. With the growth of industries coupled with that of population and housing in nearby areas, pollution and congestion posed health problems for the public while these industries themselves faced difficulties in development and expansion because of space and environmental constraints. The relocation of industries from their existing site will not only help curb pollution and free urban space, it will also benefit the industries themselves. Advantages to industries include more space, better coordination in infrastructure development and waste treatment, and the development of better integrated industry clusters. The latter will help improve the supply chain management, reduce costs of distribution and other logistical arrangements, and help ensure the smooth movement of goods to their final users. Besides, this new industrial zone in the capital city is also expected to attract foreign investors who are looking for locations conducive for relocating their businesses and industries.

However, this ambitious plan of industry relocation can go awry if not introduced and implemented systematically. The relevant authorities involved in the project need to be in touch with the wide-ranging impact of the relocation of factories and businesses to the new industrial zone. Briefing industrial associations and industrial companies — the parties directly affected by the relocation — on the benefits of the new policy, ensuring them of basic infrastructure like utilities and roads, and consultation with them on the technical details such as an acceptable transition to the relocation and the pricing of industrial plots and other support facilities in the new industrial zone, are all crucial. These moves will help to encourage occupancy at the new industrial zone by not only old but also new investors.

Top



OTHER VOICES - Indian Press


Change in Bhutan

The Tribune

THE coronation of a new king in Bhutan when history has cast aside the monarchy in neighbouring Nepal is instructive.... If the crowning of Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck was an ‘international’ occasion attended by President Pratibha Patil and ambassadors from the ideological extremes of the US and China, that is because Bhutan, unlike Nepal, is blessed with an enlightened monarchy....

Bhutan’s monarchy is hugely popular with the people in the kingdom and highly revered. So much so, that the first steps towards a democracy had to be initiated by the present monarch’s father two years ago though the people appeared unwilling for the historic transition.... As a result Bhutan is almost a ‘constitutional’ monarchy.

The presence of Mrs Patil, Mrs Sonia Gandhi and External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee at the crowning ceremony underscores Bhutan’s importance to India as a trusted and valued neighbour.

— (Nov 8)

Divisive unity

The Indian Express

THERE are times when unity divides. And Maharashtra Revenue Minister Narayan Rane’s call for unity among Maharashtra’s leaders in the face of increasing criticism of the state, because of Maharashtra Navnirman Sena-led violence against north Indians, is likely to produce one such occasion. MNS chief Raj Thackeray’s politics has done more than its bit to divide Maharashtra and India. But the Vilasrao Deshmukh government has been perceived to be disturbingly silent and ‘soft’ with regard to the law and order problem unleashed by MNS hoodlums....

Rane’s call for “unity” among Maharashtrian politicians to counter the “politicisation of the issue” is bound to send the most dangerous of signals.

A determined effort to check the divisive intent of the MNS through words and actions, and allowing the law to take its course will not be an insignificant step towards healing the wounds. Not just immigrants in Maharashtra, but the locals too deserve that. — (Nov 6)

Top



No home-grown education system


By Anwar Syed

SOME commentators contend that the present education system in this country is a legacy of the British colonial rule, and that therefore it does not go well with our nativity.

They would replace it with one that is rooted in our own historical experience and values. They assume that there was once a system that worked to good effect, and that it should be revived. This assumption is not entirely valid.

Government-funded primary and middle schools, open to all those who might wish to enter, did not exist during the medieval ages. Education was provided mostly by seminaries, focusing on the scriptures and preparing young people for careers connected with religion. Colleges surfaced in Baghdad, Cairo, Rome, Paris, Oxford and Cambridge but these also started out as seminaries and only later took in mathematics, humanities, and the hard sciences.

During the same period certain individuals in the Muslim world and Europe emerged as great scholars. Most of them began their education at the feet of a tutor, a local learned man, and then moved on to study with better-known scholars in larger towns. Having built a solid foundation, they continued to pursue knowledge on their own.

There is no model here capable of providing education to the generality, say, millions, of our young people. Public education began in our subcontinent with the advent of British rule. The schools and colleges the British established taught subjects that their counterparts in Great Britain did. Children in primary school learned elementary reading and writing, simple arithmetic, a bit of geography (their own district and province), stories of historical events and personages, and some readings to enhance their language skills. They learned the same things at progressively higher levels of complexity, plus English, some physical science and a classical language as they went on to finish high school. A measure of specialisation came as they moved on to college. Still newer subjects of study became available (biological and earth sciences, social sciences, logic, ethics and history of countries and peoples beyond India and Great Britain).

This colonial education system produced not only hundreds of thousands of reasonably competent individuals in various fields of endeavour but also a number of world-renowned scientists, philosophers, historians, economists, poets and creative artists.

I cannot figure out what there is in this system that might be taken out to make it worthy of a post-colonial independent country. It is customary in certain quarters to say that Pakistan is an ideological state, and that its ideology (Islam) should inform all aspects of its people’s individual and collective lives, including their education. That Pakistan is an ideological state is factually incorrect, and so far as its ruling elites are concerned the proposition is farcical even as an aspiration.

Even if these aspirations were genuine, education could not be Islamised except marginally. Conclusions of mathematical equations and the findings of physics remain the same regardless of the teacher’s or the student’s religion. They are value-free abstractions or facts of the physical universe. Ideology may have a role in normative studies (such as ethics) and areas where opinions and personal preferences matter.

One must in any case guard against the danger of distortion. Take the case of opinion-makers who teach that the history of Pakistan begins with the advent of Islam and the appearance of Muslim rulers in the areas that now constitute this country. They want to ignore the fact that the ancestors of many of us were once Hindu and were ruled by Hindu princes. These historians may say that theirs is the version they like but they must also face the fact that they are misinforming their students.It is likely that syllabi, required qualifications of teachers, teaching methods, textbooks, and examination systems in Pakistan are outmoded to some extent. Needless to say, these deficiencies should be rectified. Kids in school should learn the ‘new math’ and should become computer literate. Students at all levels should be encouraged to be inquisitive.

But much more worrisome is the fact that education in the public sector, like everything else in the public domain, has fallen prey to corruption. Teachers in public schools want to get paid but they do not want to work for their pay. I have talked with students from the primary to the college and university levels and heard that their teachers do the minimal amount of teaching in the classroom during the appointed hours. The teachers urge their students to meet them at their homes for private tutoring for which they charge hefty compensation. Those who cannot meet this additional expense come out of school unimproved, and many of them simply fail the exams.

This gross shirking of duty did not happen during colonial rule. Teachers then were very hard-working and dedicated. Corruption of public education is a gift we have received from a reawakening of our nativity under the aegis of national independence.Education in private institutes is not as blemished. While none of them is making waves in the generation of new knowledge, quite a few of them are doing a decent job of opening up minds and preparing young people for competently managing the affairs of the world. The more notable among them are certain schools of management such as the Institute of Business Administration (IBA) in Karachi, the Lahore University of Management Sciences (LUMS), and the Lahore School of Economics (LSE). The Ghulam Ishaq Khan Institute of Engineering Sciences and Technology in NWFP is internationally known for its high levels of attainment.

All of them are very expensive and therefore beyond the reach of the vast majority of Pakistanis who may want a good education. Regretfully it must be noted also that the majority of these private universities and colleges are primarily money-making business enterprises. As places of learning they may be slightly better than many of the public institutes, but their performance on the whole will have to be rated as only fair. Their students are not getting their money’s worth.

Education cannot be treated as something standing apart from all the other departments of life. Like the rest of them it has been monetised and made vulnerable to greed and corruption. It seems to me that efforts to improve education will have to come as part of a more general and inclusive reform movement aimed at cleansing the public domain.

The writer, professor emeritus at the University of Massachusetts, is currently a visiting professor at the Lahore School of Economics.

anwars@lahoreschool.edu.pk

Top



New first lady


By Elana Schor

MICHELLE Obama may not be attending presidential strategy meetings but she is grappling with a to-do list as long as her husband’s as she moves her family to Washington.

At least one of her advisers is already in place: the White House chief usher, hired by the secret service, who will help Michelle Obama get security clearances for household staff and begin remodelling the presidential residence. But she still has to hire a social secretary to plan state dinners, a chief of staff to navigate charity engagements, and a press secretary to field a flood of media requests — a Vogue magazine cover is already in the works.

In the whirlwind of President-elect Obama’s transition, his wife must decide whether to take her cue from Laura Bush, who preferred to avoid the spotlight, or Hillary Clinton, who drew fierce criticism for diving into political combat after her husband’s election. The new first lady is a high-powered lawyer whose salary tops her husband’s, but she has said she will avoid a White House policy role, aside from advocating for military families.

Her confidantes, and White House veterans, agree that her executive experience and down-to-earth style are exactly what is needed to handle the fishbowl of the presidency. Melanne Verveer, who was chief of staff to Hillary Clinton, said in an interview: “Mrs Obama, like her predecessors, will understand over time — it’s not something they fully appreciate on the first day — the enormous power and consequence that comes with the position.

“You can make things happen in a certain way that advances the priorities of the administration. She’ll find her way that is unique to her. She has a lot of energy, smarts, commitment.”

Comparisons to Jackie Kennedy, another young first lady with school-age children, have followed Michelle Obama since the campaign began. The new first lady’s fashion sense certainly harks back to the 1960s, but her vow to remain “mom-in-chief” to her daughters also recalls Kennedy’s graceful approach to the job.

Michelle Obama faced harsh scrutiny in February after Republicans attacked her for saying her husband’s victory made her proud of America “for the first time in my adult lifetime”.

Since then she has warmed to a more traditional role. “My priority will be making sure my family is happy and settled,” she told Glamour magazine in a recent interview. Though the next first lady has so far eschewed an advisory role, by all accounts she remains her husband’s closest confidante.

— The Guardian, London

Top



Top of Page





RSS Feed

Newsletters

DAWN Logo

News on Mobile

e-paper print replica


The DAWN Media Group

| About Us | Advertising info | Subscription | Feedback | Contributions | Privacy Policy | Help | Contact us |