EU’s inadequate focus on Pakistan
By Shadaba Islam
THE fallout on Europe of the US banking and financial crisis and persistent tensions between Russia and Georgia continue to preoccupy most governments across the 27-nation European Union.
But last weekend’s tragic and deadly truck bomb blast at the Marriott hotel in Islamabad has finally thrust Pakistan on to the EU agenda, forcing the bloc’s key policymakers to take a closer look at the country’s security, political and economic challenges.
European policymakers readily admit that the US has a pivotal role to play in Pakistan and that despite their growing global ambitions, the 27 EU countries are and will remain little more than bit players in the country.
However, with troops from many key European countries now part of Nato forces confronting Taliban insurgents in Afghanistan — and the rising number of casualties among European soldiers — EU governments are under pressure to review their hitherto lacklustre and uninspiring relationship with Pakistan.
As the media hype around President Asif Ali Zardari’s recent meeting in New York with President George W. Bush illustrates, despite — or because of — growing anger at US military action inside Pakistani territory, America will continue to loom very large on Pakistan’s security and political landscape.
Significantly, however, although the meeting was less publicised than Mr Zardari’s talks with Mr Bush, the new Pakistani leader also met French President Nicolas Sarkozy, current president of the EU, as well as other EU leaders and senior officials.
The meetings have triggered hopes that the French government will work to put EU relations with Pakistan higher up on the bloc’s foreign policy agenda. Certainly after the death in August of French soldiers in Afghanistan, the French political class and the French public are more focused on the region than in the past.
However, for all their condemnation of the attack on the Marriott and other terrorist activity in Pakistan as well as the rising death toll of their troops in Afghanistan, too many European governments have still not focused their minds on how best to tackle extremism and terrorist violence in Pakistan.
EU leaders, for instance, have yet to have an indepth discussion of the situation in Pakistan — or even Afghanistan — at their regular summit meetings. The same is true for monthly gatherings of EU foreign ministers where deliberations traditionally tend to centre on the Balkans, Iran and the Middle East.
Many EU policymakers readily admit that such lack of interest in Pakistan is no longer tenable. But a change in EU attitudes and policy priorities will only come when European governments finally recognise three key realities.
First, that the struggle to stabilise Afghanistan and win the war against insurgents cannot be successful without the help of Pakistan. Second that, even if one day western coalition forces do manage to defeat the Afghan insurgency, the so-called war against terror is moving inexorably into Pakistan, with terrorist groups, foreign and local, stepping up the battle against the people and the government of the country.
And third, that instability and violence in Pakistan will inevitably spill over into Europe, via Britain, home to thousands of British-Asians of Pakistani origin.
While a focus on its neighbourhood and the Middle East is important, the EU cannot claim to be a global power committed to worldwide peace and security while continuing to pay little attention to the political, economic and social plight of Pakistan.So far, however, while the message is clearly understood by Britain, the European Commission and EU foreign policy chief Javier Solana, many EU states, including heavyweight Germany, continue to view Pakistan as a sideshow to the wider conflict underway in Afghanistan.
The onus is also on the new Pakistani government to prove that such neglect is wrong, dangerous and short-sighted.
Former President Pervez Musharraf tried to do just that earlier this year when he met key EU senior officials and highlighted Pakistan’s role in fighting terrorism in an address to the European Parliament. Musharraf’s pleas for help, however, were drowned out by Euro MPs demanding a return to democracy and rule of law in Pakistan.
In any case, Musharraf, as a military ruler, had few friends in Europe. Pakistan’s new democratically-elected government, on the other hand, has more credibility. True, President Zardari’s reputation is far from perfect, with many in Europe sceptical of his unabashed pro-American leanings, his shaky and untested political credentials and his ability to steer the country through the current political and economic storm.
Whatever their doubts about Mr Zardari, however, EU diplomats recognise that the Pakistani leader faces a tough balancing act between, on the one hand, growing demands from Washington for more sustained and decisive action against the extremists and on the other widespread opposition at home to Pakistan’s involvement in the ‘war on terror’.
The key challenge facing Islamabad’s new leaders, say EU officials, is to convince Pakistanis that they are not fighting ‘America’s war’ but are engaged in a national struggle against terrorists determined to destabilise their country.
Europeans do have some cards up their sleeve. If the reports are correct and there is going to be a version of a Marshall Plan for the northern areas of Pakistan, then EU funding will be essential. The EU can also offer expertise on the reform of political and legal institutions, education and vocational training. A small but influential group of European parliamentarians are lobbying for more attention and assistance for Pakistan. “An unstable Pakistan is in no one’s interest,” said Euro MP Sajjad Karim this week, adding: “What happens there is important for Europe’s security.”
Seeking to widen the EU debate on Pakistan, Karim recently hosted Pakistani politician Imran Khan at the EU assembly. Khan’s message that the current government strategy against terrorism was not working and that indiscriminate army action in Fata was helping Al Qaeda’s recruitment drive, was listened to very carefully by Euro MPs.
Not everyone in Europe agrees with Khan’s thesis that Islamabad must engage in dialogue with the Taliban, fearing this will lead to more, not fewer, terrorist attacks.
But other Pakistani politicians need to follow Khan’s example and brief EU policymakers on the complexities of the country’s politics. The new men and women running the show in Islamabad must think beyond the US — and Britain — and like other Asian countries including India and China, try to engage in an intelligent conversation with the EU and its member countries.


Reforming monarchy
By Patrick Wintour
THE UK government has drawn up plans to end the 300-year-old exclusion of Catholics from the British throne. The requirement that the succession automatically pass to a male would also be reformed, making it possible for a first born daughter of Prince William to become his heir.
The proposals also include limiting the powers of the privy council, in particular its role as arbiter in disputes between Scotland or Wales and the UK government.
The plans were drafted by Chris Bryant, the MP who was charged by the British prime minister Gordon Brown with reviewing the constitution. It is understood the Brown administration would like the legislation to be passed quickly following Labour winning a fourth term in government at the next UK general election. Bryant briefed constitutional pressure groups on the plans at a private seminar in Manchester during the Labour Party conference there this week.
Government ministers have long thought it anomalous that it is unlawful for a Catholic to be monarch but have not had the political will to risk reforming the law.
The 1688 Bill of Rights , the Act of Settlement in 1701 and Act of Union in 1707 — reinforced by the provisions of the Coronation Oath Act 1688 — effectively excluded Catholics or their spouses from the succession and provided for the Protestant succession. Neither Catholics nor those who marry them nor those born to them out of wedlock may be in the line of succession.
The law also requires the monarch on accession to make before parliament a declaration rejecting Catholicism.
Though the Act of Settlement remains a cornerstone of the British constitution, critics have long argued about its relevance in the 21st century, saying it institutionalises religious discrimination and male primogeniture.
Eight years ago, the Guardian launched a campaign for a change in the law. Geoffrey Robertson QC, the constitutional lawyer who has represented the paper in challenges to the constitutional restrictions, said on Wednesday: “The Act of Settlement determined that the crown shall descend only on Protestant heads and that anyone ‘who holds communion with the church of Rome or marries a Papist’ — not to mention a Muslim, Hindu, Jew or Rastafarian — is excluded by force of law.”
— The Guardian, London


