LAHORE, Sept 6: The pattern of voting for the presidential election in the Punjab Assembly on Saturday has lessons for all the three major parties — the PML-N, the PPP and the PML-Q.

The PML-N, which bagged more votes for its presidential candidate than the actual strength of the party, showed a better performance because a number of PML-Q dissidents supported it.

Similarly, the tally of the PPP candidate was higher than the number of party seats in the province. The extra votes, of course, came from the disgruntled PML-Q elements.

The PML-Q, it seems, is about to complete its "natural life", and in case its leadership did not take urgent steps to remove the grievances of the dissidents, the party might vanish sooner than later. (A PML-Q leader said on Saturday it was a matter of great satisfaction for them that they succeeded in keeping 36 out of total 80 plus members with them in the presidential election). Despite the fact that the PML-N has been able to show its majority in Punjab the plan for the change of the government may have been delayed for some time, not abandoned.

This means that to retain itself in power, the PML-N will continue to need the support of the PML-Q dissidents. The day the party lost their support, the Punjab government would collapse.

Some PPP leaders worked very hard recently to improve the party position in the province. And although they have succeeded in bringing some more people to their side, it is not still possible for the party to set up its own government in Punjab, notwithstanding their claims to the contrary.

Observers say it would be a far better option for the two parties to continue to cooperate with each other and let the coalition work smoothly. The PML-N should allow its ministers to rejoin the federal cabinet and stop demanding that the PPP ministers should quit the Punjab cabinet.

Together, the two parties would be able to serve the country better and be in a position to surmount all obstacles which individually they are unable to do.

If the PML-N doesn't stand with it, the PPP government will not be in a position to make any constitutional change for which a two-third majority in both houses of parliament is mandatory. As a result, the commitments made by the PPP leadership would remain unfulfilled.

But in case the PML-N feels that it cannot join hands with the PPP, it should consider other options. Cooperation with the PML-Q as a party - not the forward bloc members - should be given a serious thought.

Reliance on the dissident PML-Q lawmakers would be a very bad decision. Turncoats should not be encouraged by any party. In fact, all parties should hate the loyalty changers.

The PML-N must bear in mind that the legislators who deserted their party - and joined hands with it or the PPP only six months after being elected on the PML-Q tickets - were not trustworthy. If they could cheat their own party, it would not be difficult for them to cheat any other party. As a result, the government formed with their support would always remain shaky, vulnerable.

The PML-N leaders know better than anybody else that the Muslim Leaguers always prefer to remain with those in power. (In 1993, the PML-N legislators revolted against the leadership when the then president sacked the Nawaz Sharif government. However, the very same people thronged the Model Town residence of Mian Nawaz Sharif when the Supreme Court restored his government after some 40 days).

The PPP should maintain its coalition with the PML-N. But if it has any problem working with this party, it should also explore the possibility of forming a coalition with the PML-Q.