Impeachment of the president
By Qazi Faez Isa
ARTICLE 47 of the constitution details the method by which a president may be removed or impeached. The article, however, does not inform us about the difference between ‘removal’ and ‘impeachment’.
The word ‘removal’ is used when dismissing somebody from office whilst ‘impeachment’ is to charge a public official with misconduct or with a crime against the state.
The process of removal/impeachment starts after a resolution is submitted in either the National Assembly or Senate setting out the charges against the president. If the resolution has the support of half the members of the House in which it originates it is sent to the president by the speaker. Thereafter a joint session of parliament (National Assembly and Senate) is convened after seven days.
The joint session may investigate or cause to be investigated the charges or may proceed to directly vote on the resolution. If it elects to investigate, the president has the right to appear and to be represented. In either case two-thirds of the total members must declare “that the president is unfit to hold the office due to (physical or mental) incapacity or is guilty of violating the constitution or of gross misconduct”. Upon passing such a resolution “the president shall cease to hold office immediately”.
The charges are not required to be adjudicated as in a criminal or civil case. The people announce their verdict through their chosen representatives in parliament. Nor is the verdict subject to any appeal or challenge before any court of law.
No court, including the Supreme Court, has any jurisdiction in the matter nor can it set aside or suspend the resolution. The constitution clearly stipulates: “No court shall have any jurisdiction save as is or may be conferred on it by the constitution or by under any law” (Article 175(3)) and none has been so conferred. If then a court were to come to the aid of the president it would be in violation of the constitution.
Musharraf’s term of office as president had expired. During such term he was also the army chief. This was a constitutional aberration but it was condoned by the Seventeenth Amendment to the constitution. Musharraf chose to run for the office of president again.
If he had kept his promise and doffed his army uniform in December 2004, he would not have been “in the service of Pakistan” and the requirement that “a period of two years has elapsed since he ceased to be in such service” may not have come in his way in 2007. The Seventeenth Amendment provided only a one-time exemption from this constitutional requirement. A petition was filed assailing Musharraf’s eligibility.
The Supreme Court was hearing the matter when Musharraf detained the Supreme Court judges and in their stead appointed such men who first took an oath to uphold all his actions. Musharraf’s actions of Nov 3, 2007 violated the constitution and could only be sustained if validated by parliament, by amending the constitution with the required two-third majority (Article 238).
Since this did not happen Musharraf is not the constitutional president of Pakistan and his abrogation and subversion of the constitution on Nov 3 constitutes “high treason” (Article 6). Musharraf escaped being tried with regard to his Oct 12, 1999 coup for high treason because of the subsequent validation of his actions by parliament by the Seventeenth Amendment.
The High Treason (Punishment) Act, 1973, stipulates that a person guilty of high treason “shall be punishable with death or imprisonment for life”. Section 3 of this Act, however, enables only the federal government to lodge a complaint with a court. The ruling coalition has, however, elected to pursue the matter peacefully through parliament.
If Musharraf is president of Pakistan, which is clearly not the constitutional position, then one needs to examine what charges can be brought against him under Article 47. Firstly, there is the “mental incapacity” provision. It may be contended that his actions, such as those taken on Nov 3, confirm mental imbalance and a disproportionate importance of self.
Then there is the ground of “gross misconduct”. Electronic bugging of the residences and bedrooms of Supreme Court judges could be categorised as gross misconduct. During the hearing of the case against the chief justice one of the documents submitted in court by Musharraf’s counsel showed that this was done. The case for the impeachment of President Nixon was built on the fact that he had listening devices placed in the headquarters of the Democratic Party.
“Women get raped to go abroad” Musharraf is seen stating in a recording. Such an utterance would constitute gross misconduct in any society. However, in Pakistan impugning the character of a woman is also a crime (qazf).
To incite or threaten violence also constitutes gross misconduct. Musharraf publicly stated on May 12, 2007 that whosoever goes against the wishes of the people will be crushed. Promoting enmity constitutes an offence under Section 153A of the Penal Code and is punishable with five years’ imprisonment. Musharraf’s propensity for encouraging and condoning violence against the media has been witnessed on several occasions. If the president cannot meet the high standard of his office he at least must not practise thuggery.
The detention and confinement by Musharraf of the Supreme Court and high court judges, their spouses and children on Nov 3 onwards is “violating the Constitution”. This not only constituted serious criminal offences under the Penal Code but also violated the guarantees extended to every person by the constitution. The constitution was therefore not only violated but butchered on Nov 3.
Independent media was also snuffed out on Nov 3 which violated the freedom of speech, expression and press guaranteed under Article 19. Musharraf also repeatedly violated his oath of office. He had sworn to “preserve, protect and defend the Constitution”. He failed to uphold his promise to “do right to all manner of people…without … favour” by not only openly favouring PML-Q in the elections but telling people to vote for his party.
Whilst one can understand the desire of the government and their supporters to lay out extensive and detailed charges it would suffice to mention just the aforesaid ones, all of which are self-evident and undeniable. Any single one of these would be sufficient to remove or impeach a president.


Turkey’s anti-porn bill
By Robert Tait
TURKEY’S prime minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, has proffered an olive branch to secular critics by publicly disowning his party’s proposals to curb pornography and encourage school prayer. The move appeared designed to allay lingering fears of an Islamist state, coming less than two weeks after a court case in which the governing Justice and Development Party (AKP) narrowly avoided a ban for allegedly undermining Turkey’s secular system.
Erdogan spoke out after the party’s deputy chairwoman, Edibe Sozen, provoked an outcry by publishing a plan to force buyers of pornography to give their details to shopkeepers, who would have been obliged pass them to the authorities. The bill also included provisions requiring prayer facilities in all state schools, despite constitutional laws demanding the separation of religion and state.
The draft Protection of Youth bill also proposed banning licenced restaurants from admitting unaccompanied under-18s after 10pm, and would have made it illegal for them to be there after midnight even if accompanied by their parents.
Sozen claimed the bill was based on laws in force in Germany, but withdrew her proposal under protest from secularists.
The fallout forced Erdogan, known for his socially conservative views, into an unusually harsh rebuke. He urged party discipline at a time when the AKP is under fierce scrutiny for perceived anti-secular tendencies.
“It [the bill] is not the party’s work, but it was perceived as if it belonged to the party,” he told an AKP meeting. “Such works should be discussed within the party first. It is an ill-timed and fatal statement. The content is bad. She [Sozen] put the party in a difficult situation.”
Sozen’s draft was published just days after the constitutional court — Turkey’s highest — effectively put the AKP on probation by depriving it of millions of pounds in state funding, after finding it guilty of being a “focal point of anti-secularism”.
The ruling stopped short of prosecutors’ demands for the party to be shut down and for its senior figures, including Erdogan, to be banned from politics for five years.
Mensur Akgun, an EU programme director with Tesev, a Turkish think tank, said: “I don’t think the critics will be satisfied with such a motion from the prime minister. He has to show that he favours further liberalisation of the country and cares about more than just the rights of the Muslim community.”
— The Guardian, London

