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| May 07, 2008 | Wednesday | Jamadi-ul-Awwal 1, 1429 |
More allegations
Action against extremists
OTHER VOICES - European Press
Issues in medical education
WHAT started a few years ago as a favour to some friends has ended up pushing medical education in the country into a deep crisis.
THE major partner in the governing coalition — the Pakistan People’s Party — has taken of late to putting down all disasters to conspiracies against democracy, but it will find it difficult to pin the blame elsewhere for the latest twist in events. At first sight, the Election Commission’s decision to postpone the by-elections scheduled for June 18 was ludicrous and alarming. Ludicrous because the law and order situation in the country — a reason cited by an EC official for the postponement — is surely a bit better today than it was on Feb 18 when the country had a peaceful general election. The other reason that assembly members would be busy in the budget session also failed to find resonance anywhere. Pakistan Muslim League-N decried the decision and soon the PPP stance became public with party leader Asif Zardari and his top confidant, Rehman Malik, who is also in charge of the interior ministry, protesting against the postponement.
The decision was alarming because it appeared as another manifestation of President Pervez Musharraf’s mindset after the people of Pakistan resoundingly defeated his surrogate party in the general election. It was, of course, seen as an attempt to keep out of the assemblies and power politicians such as Shahbaz Sharif and Aitzaz Ahsan. Both leaders have been the president’s nemesis at one time or another, and undoubtedly he has no love lost for them. Against this backdrop, not surprisingly few believed the president’s press secretary when he said the presidency was not consulted.
When the revelations unfolded late on Monday evening they were shocking. The EC official, while announcing the postponement, had said he had received a request for that in a letter sent by the NWFP home secretary. When the provincial government came under attack from many in the media, Chief Minister Hoti went on record to say that he had been requested by Rehman Malik to ask for a postponement from the EC as the other three provinces had agreed to it. So far Rehman Malik and the PPP leadership have not bothered to explain their position. The longer they remain silent the more they will fuel rumours that they were guilty of duplicitous behaviour if not outrightly trying to undermine the interests of their coalition partners. It is about time the PPP made up its mind about which side it is on. At the very least the interior adviser must be held to account. He should fall on his sword not just for seeking a delay in the by-polls without consulting the coalition partners and embarrassing PPP’s ministers but also for being economical with the truth. Instability in the country is in nobody’s interest. One has seen the adverse effects of the judges’ restoration debate on the stock market and the rupee with both sliding in value. If such shenanigans continue, the country will lurch from one crisis to another and the electorate’s faith in the democratic process will erode. The people deserve better, much better.
DISTRUST of allies is as old as nation-states, or perhaps even older. So one should not be surprised if occasionally one finds Islamabad on the one side and Kabul and leaders of the US-led forces in Afghanistan on the other exchanging what by no stretch of the imagination can be called pleasantries. There is, however, one unusual character of the barbs exchanged across the Durand Line — most of the complaints originate from the western side. Islamabad, too, has occasionally voiced its concern over the way the western allies are conducting the war on terror, but the criticism is generally muted and shows a desire to patch up the differences and get on with the job on hand. From the other side, however, there is an unceasing torrent of allegations condemnatory of Pakistan’s policies. What hurts Islamabad is that these criticisms do not always pertain to tactics and strategy but often cast doubt on Pakistan’s sincerity and commitment to the war on terror.
Pakistan has, of course, made many tactical mistakes. For instance, the September 2006 deal with militants in South Waziristan turned out to be a disaster, for it enabled them to regroup. As for Baitullah Mehsud, Islamabad does not really know whether to treat him as an honest interlocutor or as a wanted criminal. Nevertheless, certain truths cannot be denied: Pakistan has deployed 100,000 troops in the troubled region, more than 1,000 of its security personnel have been killed, and the suicide bombers have wreaked havoc in Pakistani cities, killing more civilians than soldiers. To accuse Pakistan of insincerity is to deny the truth.
In a lengthy report in a British newspaper, Afghan and British officials have alleged that militants continue to cross from Pakistan into Afghanistan. How can Islamabad take the blame alone? If it is Pakistan’s duty to prevent the militants from crossing over, why have the US-led forces failed to block the ingress? Unlike Pakistan, which has set up 1,000 checkposts on the border, the small number of checkposts on the other side is well away from the Durand Line. The truth is that some Nato governments have no heart in the fighting; they increase the number of troops under American pressure very grudgingly, their commanders’ main concern is to save casualties, and they rely mostly on air strikes, which kill more civilians than Taliban. One hopes the authorities on the other side will let the new government in Islamabad settle down and give it time to sort things out. In the meantime, they would do well to search their own souls.
IT is too early to get one’s hopes up. But the arrest of 13 men suspected of setting a girls’ school on fire in upper Swat is certainly a promising sign that the government is not averse to taking action against those who carry out destructive acts in the name of religion. If indeed there is such a resolve on its part, then hopefully the government will not allow itself to be cowed into submission by threats from militants. It is imperative that the perpetrators of violence be dealt with strictly and in accordance with the law. Equally important is the need to vigorously combat the sham morality on the basis of which the militants bomb or set alight girls’ school, execute couples accused of adultery or behead women for ‘sinful practices’. Besides being a gross violation of human rights, these acts do not have the sanction of a court of law and thus constitute a crime. It must be demonstrated to all, especially vulnerable populations (and in particular women) living in militancy-infested areas that the state supports a democratic polity for all its citizens.
There was not even a whimper from the last government — it was undoubtedly conservative — when the militants inflicted their barbaric thoughts and deeds on the people. One can only hope that the present set-up’s reaction will not be muted. After all, it was voted into power on the basis of its pledge to live by democracy. A good starting point would be to vociferously condemn all such acts whether in the tribal areas or settled districts where the extremists hold sway and to have transparent probes. The government’s record on this has so far been disappointing. More effort is required to send out an unequivocal message that it will not tolerate parallel ‘courts’ that pronounce unlawful verdicts or religious leaders who encourage excesses in the name of faith.
Another effort for a social pact
Malta Independent
TALK about the need to reach a tripartite social pact has resurfaced once again, after the matter had been kept quietly under wraps in the months leading to the election…. First it was the Central Bank governor … who spoke about the need to create a social pact…. He said there is a need for another attempt to reach this goal for Malta to be able to face the challenges coming its way because of the international situation regarding energy and food prices.
Then it was the turn of Social Policy Minister John Dalli who expressed himself in favour of reaching a social pact that will create a much-needed safety net for both employers and employees. The minister said that Malta cannot sit back and be complacent in view of the effects of globalisation, and in particular the ever-rising price of fuel and cereals.
Then, on Worker’s Day, it was Prime Minister Lawrence Gonzi who spoke about the need to have a social pact that would ultimately be elevated into a sustainable development pact.
It was probably not a coincidence that Mr Dalli brought the subject up during a discussion organised by the General Workers Union (GWU), which was given most of the blame three years ago when efforts to reach a social pact collapsed….
It was late in 2004 that the government, the employers and the unions sat together in a bid to find an agreement on a social pact, and the talks dragged on into the first weeks of 2005 without success. Since then … there was no serious effort once again to set the ball rolling in search of an accord.
Now it seems that there are various currents pushing towards another go. Circumstances have changed since 2005 — back then, the international oil and cereal markets were not creating the many problems they are creating today…. One of the more important comments made by Mr Dalli at the GWU conference is that both the employer and the worker have to realise that they need one another to exist…. But, while everyone understands this concept, it is unfortunate that the interests pursued by the employers and the unions are so different that they keep the two sides well apart.
… It happened also when the social pact was being discussed, and since the differences … could not be ironed out the government had to take the bull by the horns and carry on with its agenda without the social pact.
Now it is clear that it is imperative that such a social pact is reached as quickly as possible so that Malta would be able to face its future and safeguard its competitiveness….
The government, the employers and the unions — individually and collectively — have a responsibility towards the Maltese people. They should not procrastinate any further and should work hard to find a compromise that would be beneficial to the country.
It would be another sad day for Malta if a renewed attempt to reach a social pact would end in yet another stalemate. Although … it might be harder to reach an agreement today … every effort should be made in order to first of all re-start the negotiations and, secondly, to come to terms. — (May 5)
It all began when after seizing power General Pervez Musharraf assigned the task of running the Sindh health department to a retired lieutenant-general. Being a graduate of Liaquat Medical College at Jamshoro, the health minister saw this as an opportunity to revive old friendships.
Thus the idea of establishing the country’s first medical university came to be floated. Apart from the personal interest of the sponsors, the project also sought to promote their political ambitions as it envisaged taking all medical colleges in the province, including, of course, those in Karachi, under its wings.
To make it palatable to all concerned, it was reasoned that the proposed university would organise medical education along scientific lines in the province and, in doing so, it would be able to set an example for the other provinces to follow.
The professors concerned naturally had little realisation of the dynamics of regional politics and power in the country and could not foresee that taking over the entire province would not be the piece of cake which they thought it would be.
Besides, as experience has shown, they had very little understanding of how medical education is conducted in the modern world. The minister should have thought twice, but he was won over by his friends. He did not even bother to learn from the experience of a private medical institution that had already been working independently in the province. The decision was taken in such haste that no baseline feasibility of the project was in place when it was announced.
The Liaquat University of Health and Medical Sciences came into existence by an executive order and the Higher Education Commission (HEC) was made to dish out millions of rupees for the task. The series of events that followed the establishment of LUHMS is as interesting as it is unfortunate.
Immediately after the announcement by the Sindh government, the health minister of Punjab decided to have a medical university in his province. If Sindh could have a medical university, why not Punjab? Thus came into existence the Punjab University of Health Sciences.
Back in Sindh, with the appointment of a new provincial governor, the idea of a medical university in Karachi was floated by the professors of Dow Medical College. Provincial politics being what it is, the establishment of the Dow University of Health Sciences (DUHS) did not take long. Another executive order came around without any proper feasibility report. The HEC was again there to fund the project.
Now with Sindh having two medical universities, there was ground enough to prepare for a similar number in Punjab to restore parity. The famed King Edward Medical College took the lead and was soon converted into a university. The provincial government made the announcement and the HEC rushed ahead with funds. Nobody bothered to pause and see whether a medical university was required at all. No one asked about the performance of the particular medical college that was selected for upgradation, and, more importantly, whether there had been a significant change in any of the three universities established thus far.
With Sindh and Punjab engaging in a war of numbers, it was only a matter of time before the North West Frontier Province and Balochistan started feeling neglected. As the two smaller provinces, they had always been denied their rights, but they were not going to miss out on this score. Khyber Medical College in Peshawar and Bolan Medical College in Quetta soon had themselves elevated to the status of medical universities.
With so many universities across the land, one hoped everybody was satisfied, but that has not been the case. A demand has recently been aired through the national media to grant a similar status to Chandka Medical College in Larkana, and to rename it the Shaheed Benazir Bhutto Medical University.
Given the present political environment, nobody would be too surprised if the proposal gets the official green signal soon. And when that happens, a third such university will also emerge in Punjab where the Nishter Medical College in Multan would be the most likely choice. It is not only among the better medical colleges in the public sector and has a sprawling campus, it is also situated in southern Punjab which is the constituency of the incumbent prime minister and the provincial chief minister. The HEC cash cow will only be too willing to be milked once again.
Indeed, medical education in the country has become a longwinded tale of political expediency and vested interests. To have such a large number of medical universities is beyond comprehension, especially in a country where not a single medical college in the public sector happens to be a fulltime teaching institute.
Even when they were colleges, they were basically producing glorified MBBS quacks in enormous numbers because of the lack of teaching focus and the inexplicable reluctance to update the course content. Instead of upgrading the syllabus, our governments have found it much easier to upgrade colleges to university level.
It is time the new government took serious note of the happenings and reviewed the entire structure of medical education. A system should be there to benefit the patients and students, not to provide perks and privileges, both in cash and kind, to part-time medical faculty.
It is neither practical nor advisable to undo the entire proceedings of the past few years and to initiate investigations regarding money spent on the construction of buildings and the purchase of expensive but useless equipment. But it is, indeed, possible to convert all these medical universities and colleges in both public and private sectors into fulltime teaching institutions, just as they are in the large majority of countries.
Even if we initiate the process today, and make it merit-based, accountable and transparent, it will be a decade later when we may finally have quality medical education system in the country. But that should not deter us from taking the initiative. A beginning has to be made. Why delay it further?
