Eclipsed euphoria
By Masud Mufti
OUR hindsight today reveals a striking difference between pre-Pakistan and post-Pakistan leaders. In their fight against foreign rulers, the former took the masses along with them, while the latter, after the death of the Quaid-i-Azam, exploited and estranged the masses like the foreign rulers. The Pakistani people have thus remained banished from their own homeland by their own leaders for a long time.
No wonder, our nation is currently displaying the psyche of a persistently deprived person. Unpredictable outbursts of violence increasingly bubble out of the wide marsh of accumulated anger, clouding the national horizon with a universal anxiety syndrome. Self-pity, the only possession of a dispossessed person, makes us smell suspicion, nurture distrust and imagine shadows. Hope is not recognised even when it is around. That is why, even after two months, the euphoria generated by the election on Feb 18 is eclipsed by fear and uncertainty. Is this scepticism justified? The correct answer is ‘yes’ — and ‘no’.
It is justified, firstly, by the long anti-democratic track record of our leaders. Every proclaimed saviour from Liaquat Ali Khan to General Musharraf did not give what the people wanted (constitution, education, merit and equal opportunity) though people gave their total support. Instead, each one of them craftily contributed to the carving of a self-perpetuating autocratic system.
Second, in spite of sustained rejection by the people from March 9, 2007, till today, the deep-rooted status quo is refusing to yield. It is not dragging its feet and is conspiring (as stated by the prime minister and others) sometimes in Karachi (Arbab Rahim), Lahore (Sher Afgan Niazi), Multan (power shortage) and all the time in Islamabad.
Musharraf is still there, weak to govern but strong to thwart change under the blissful neutrality of the army (avoiding the final push) and the invisible tactics of its agencies. His team of wizards (provincial governors, spokesmen, chosen judges, pivotal bureaucrats and attorney-general), is still in the saddle. Press reports show that the new government has allowed the attorney-general ‘to continue on a trial basis’.
The more than a year-long euphoria over the ‘inevitable change’ has been repeatedly frustrated. On April 16, 2008, advocate Ali Mohammad Kurd openly expressed his despair in a TV interview over the delay by the Nawaz-Zardari-Asfandyar meeting for the restoration of the deposed judges. Similar ‘slow haste’ in the dissolution of NWFP Assembly last year allowed Gen Musharraf to effectively deliver his blow. People appear concerned that it could be repeated.
Third, the people’s agenda for change is being casually handled by the slow-moving politicians whose past constituted this system and whose present grew out of the National Reconciliation Ordinance. The Musharraf-blessed NRO is a sacred oath under the new religion of corruption adopted by this system. It was not reconciliation between the leaders and the people, but a re-alliance of those who had plundered the people in the past, and were regrouping for future adventures. The people are rightly apprehensive about the fate of their mandate when they see mutual obligations under the deals being gradually adjusted.
In the face of this data, can we blame the people for their scepticism? Many utterances and moves of the present rulers remind one of similar tactics in the past, which strengthened the status quo. There is, however, also significant data which does not justify this scepticism.
First, a new factor has emerged since March 9, 2007, which never existed in the past. The nation had previously seen its artificial form during the anti-Ayub and anti-Bhutto agitations, but never tasted its true essence as it is doing now. Past protests were organised by political parties for a change of face without a change of system.
The recent protests by the lawyers, media and civil society, on the other hand, are challenging the system itself. These were neither started, nor genuinely supported, by the political parties. The politicians exploited it and came to power. Since then, their role has been creating misgivings about their intentions. Whether they help or hinder the spirit of Feb 18, the new factor is bound to persist in one form or the other with varying intensity.
Second, the status quo is bent on undermining it. We should not underestimate its capacity in the face of visible circumstantial evidence. Quite a few salvos have been shot (minus one formula, linkage of restoration of judges with a constitutional package, seniority of Justice Falak Sher, change in the tenure of judges, threats of Arbab Rahim and Sher Afgan Niazi to implicate the Sharif brothers in case of any harm to them, different versions of 30-day countdown, shuttle diplomacy of the attorney-general and Sharifuddin Pirzada, Altaf Hussain’s clarion call to the MQM about tough times). The negative reaction of an anti-people system proves that it is hopeful for the people.
How do the two conflicting sets of data augur for the days to come? The answer lies in our readiness to face the naked reality. We must realise that the outcome of Feb 18 has not solved the ‘people versus system’ problem of Pakistan. It has, on the other hand, intensified it, and driven it to a higher plane, where the conduct of the two protagonists will be largely unpredictable.
All we know is that the anguished people are sincerely committed but not organised, and are in the firm grip of the aforementioned psyche of deprivation. The system, on the other hand, is deep-rooted, well-organised round the vested interests and is fully backed by our ruthless and inhuman socio-political feudal setup. The only guess about this multi-faceted confrontation is that the system will not retreat in the short term and the people will not retreat in the long run. The shape of the people’s victory, as and when it comes, cannot be visualised at this stage.
The ultimate victory, however, is subject to one condition. It is not enough to realise the newfound voice against the corrupt system created by the mullah-military-wadera collusion.
We have to get rid of the corrupt political culture perfected by this triple alliance. The current undemocratic and autocratic mould of political parties constitutes the basic motif of this culture. This mould needs to be broken and replaced by a new democratic party structure. The demi-gods, labelled as the ‘lifelong presidents’ and the dynastic holds on political parties must go. Unless each member’s vote develops into political ammunition in party deliberations, Pakistan will not be able to defeat the military and civil dictatorship.
masudmufti@hotmail.com


