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DAWN - the Internet Edition


April 20, 2008 Sunday Rabi-us-Sani 13, 1429

Features


Questionable culture
People’s fear: militants may take over Peshawar
Making light of an intensely dark problem



Questionable culture


By Hajrah Mumtaz

To listen to the debate on cultural identity that takes up far too much of our time here in Pakistan, one could be forgiven for thinking that our experiences of de-colonisation and partition are absolutely unique. The intellectual depth of most of these discussions suggests that we stand alone: first in having been ruled by an occupying force, then in having to come up with a ‘national identity’ that allowed us to be recognisably distinct from the neighbour with which we once shared the house, and lastly in being forced to cobble together some semblance of cohesive consciousness that could draw together the various culturally, ethnically and linguistically diverse regions that comprise Pakistan.

In fact, a great many nations and people have been through similar experiences. Large chunks of the world suffered colonisation and bled copiously whilst winning the right to take the arduous path of de-colonisation. The past century, in particular, produced remarkably prescient works exploring the effects of colonisation and the roads towards de-colonisation.

It would be constructive if we in Pakistan paused whilst airing our views about the evils of westernisation, or pontificating about eastern versus western culture, and thought a bit.

The thing about national identity or cultural consciousness is, you see, that it is neither unitary nor pure. It is fruitless to debate whether those who consider Urdu their first language are somehow more ‘Pakistani’ than those who express themselves more comfortably in English, or whether either language’s proponents are more plugged into the national ideology than, say, Sindhi or Pushto speakers. Likewise the debate on cultural signifiers such as clothing or popular music: is the shalwar kameez more ‘Pakistani’ than a dhoti or jeans? It is fruitless to pursue such lines of questioning because the questions are incorrectly framed. They pre-suppose that there exists an intrinsically ‘Pakistani’ culture which is distinct from and free of all influences of colonisation, our shared history with the rest of the subcontinent, and from the effects of an increasingly shrinking globe. Secondly, such questions carry within them the implication that ‘pure’ Pakistani culture is somehow better than the otherwise adulterated, violated version.

In actual fact, what comes to be recognised as symbolic of an enduring ‘national culture’ is generally an amalgam of that country or region’s particular history and development, a distilled mix of the practices of its various peoples. Cultures are kept alive by their ability to grow and absorb, to embrace change rather than reject it or define itself as exclusionist. The so-called American culture – which in popular discourse in Pakistan has become indistinguishable from ‘westernisation’ – is built of that country’s history of immigrant absorption and the expansion of the federation. American culture is a mix of Italian, continental European, Latin American and many other cultures. They came together and grew into something greater than the sum of its parts. An intrinsically and authentically American culture, something that grew from the land itself would, on the other hand, refer to native American culture.

Pakistani culture must own and own up to the history of this region. In practical terms, this means accepting that the jeans and T-shirt wearing urban youth with Brittney Spears’ pin-ups on his bedroom walls is all much a signifier of modern Pakistan as is the child being educated on a taat and using gaachi mitti to write on his slate. Neither is better or worse, for each represents the unequal and disparate manner in which this land developed, and the myriad realities that exist within it. Pakistan has many faces, and where Eid represents the religious culture of many citizens, Basant represents the regional cultures that existed in this area for thousands of years before Mohammed bin Qasim ever thought of dropping in.

The point was deftly made by India academic Ashis Nandy in an essay envisioning a dialogue between cultures and civilisations. “The new dialogue we envision will insist that we jettison the nineteenth-century evangelist legacy of comparative studies which offsets the practices of one civilisation against the philosophical or normative concerns of another,” he wrote. “Colonial literature is full of comparisons between the obscenities of the caste system in practice in South Asia and the superior humanistic values of Europe articulated in the Biblical texts or, for that matter, even in the rules of cricket. In reaction, many defensive Indians compared the moral universe of the Vedas and Upanishads with the violence, greed and ruthless statecraft practiced by the Europeans in the Southern world, to establish the moral bankruptcy of the West. The time has come to take a less reactive position, one that will allow us to enrich ourselves through a cultural conversation of equals.”

The same applies to cultural discourse within a country. Here in Pakistan, for example, we love to establish the moral bankruptcy of the west by referring to rising divorce rates or racial issues, comparing them to the equitable society envisioned by Islam. This debate forgets to mention that western nations also boast some of the most equitable laws and have in some cases achieved modern welfare states. The situation here in the moral universe of Pakistan is clear for all to see.

Amongst the books that we would benefit by reading are African author and revolutionary activist Frantz’s Fanon’s Black Skins, White Masks and The Wretched of the Earth.

Having witnessed at close hand the effects of colonisation on his home island of Martinique, and later in Algeria and Tunisia, Fanon analysed the role of race, class, national culture and language in the process of de-colonisation and the struggle for national liberation.

Of particular relevance to Pakistan’s eastern vs western debate are the three stages of de-colonisation identified by Fanon with reference to culture and cultural practices. At the first, lowest stage, the educated and usually urban colonised or recently de-colonised people emulate the coloniser’s culture since it is associated with superiority (think about the brown sahibs that we have come to recognise over the decades). At a higher stage of cultural maturity, the locals reject the coloniser’s culture as something alien and inflicted, and yearn instead for a return to the region’s pre-colonial practices (in terms of Pakistan, for example, trends towards Sufism, a return to regional dialects and homespun clothing). Fanon’s highest stage of cultural evolution is achieved when the local population reaches a synthesis of pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial legacies, rejecting none but accepting and drawing upon all the conflicting legacies.

Here in Pakistan, we have so far reached only stage two.

Post script: Debates and explorations of cultural identity are most fruitfully carried out through cultural ‘institutions’ such as academic fora, literature and drama etc. But more on that next week.

— hmumtaz@dawn.com

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People’s fear: militants may take over Peshawar


THE recent bloody clashes between two tribal groups in Jamrud, Khyber Agency, and an operation led to closure of educational institutions, health centres and the Torkhum-Peshawar Road. About two dozens people were killed in the incident and the local economy suffered heavy loss. The operation -- apparently against those dealing in the business of narcotics and fake currency -- has raised many questions which may better be answered by the officials concerned.

Though, the clashes took place in the tribal area but it created unrest among the people in rest of the NWFP. The leaders of the Sarhad Chamber of Commerce and Industry (SCCI) say that the clash led to closure of about 100 factories at the Shah Kas and Hayatabad Industrial Estate as the units were under the firing range and labourers had left for safer places. Besides, armed men had also entered a match factory, harassed workers and scared thousands of other people residing in the labour colonies.

The clash also caused unrest among the residents of the posh locality of Hayatabad Township, where a number of rockets landed and a security guard was also injured. The people were reportedly so frightened that many families spent sleepless nights and some of them had reportedly left for safer places.

This also got engaged the police and paramilitary forces, where the high ranking officials had to concentrate whole attention in order to push back the militants in case they tried to enter Peshawar. The financial loss, mental tension and physical fatigue faced by the local people cannot be described in words.

It is a fact that business of contraband goods is a common feature in the tribal region, although it is un-Islamic and social stigma is also attached to it. The business is not new in the region but handful people only may be involved in the illegal trade. It is a separate issue why and who has given permission of the illegal trade of contraband goods in the region and why the political administration is not taking any action.

However, the clashes gave a message to the government that there are well organised militant groups armed with sophisticated weapons, which they can use against anyone anytime. They can proceed towards any settled district and may conquer Peshawar, the provincial capital.

The intertribal feuds and clashes are not new thing in the region but armed fight for establishment of ‘state within state’ is tantamount to rebellion and the government is duty-bound to take immediate steps for improvement of the law and order situation.

Unemployment in our backward province is one of the major issues. The private sector has to some extent provided jobs to some people who are feeding thousand of families and if the existing industrial units were also closed it would further aggravate the situation. It is perhaps due to unemployment that the ratio of crimes in the region has increased.

The question always raised by the residents is what is the function of the political administrations of the tribal areas? One thing is clear that the government itself is not in favour of removing the militant dens to protect the lives and properties of citizens.

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Making light of an intensely dark problem


A FEW cartoons have dutifully appeared in the mainstream print media depicting the energy crisis gripping the country with resonant pun on load-shedding.

Since Islamabad happens to be the nerve centre given its decision-making avatar, it is in the eye of a storm that ain’t going anywhere in a hurry.

A host of intricate problems in what is predicted to be one of the hottest summers in years are staring at the rainbow coalition of Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani.

The hailstorm in the twin cities last Tuesday was a pleasant deviation for everyone but no-one should be in any doubt, least of all the decision-makers as to what kind of weather awaits them and the teeming millions, who will have to literally sweat it out bar a miracle.

If Multan last week is anything to go by, the power-sapped will be looking in the direction of Islamabad with what is now substantial street theatre experience over the last year.

We will need all the humour we can get to beat the heat as it were even though there will never be enough.

Ayaz Amir, a favourite columnist-turned-MNA, who returned midway to being a columnist before again turning MNA last February with a columnist-plus avatar, did offer his tongue in cheek on how to win the public’s favour: he suggested that the prime minister work by candle-light as a mark of solidarity with the power-impoverished masses.

The two may be coalition friends now but perhaps, Mr Gilani can be spared the agony in the never-say-die “larger national interest”. He needs every bit of light to relieve the nation of the enveloping “dark”. The reference to the “dark” here should be taken literally, not just accepted as a writer’s poetic licence.

Poet-philosopher Allama Mohammad Iqbal’s heartfelt rendition Lab pe aati hai dua ban ke tammanna meri (My longing comes to my lips as a supplication) bequeathed in the last century offers a verse that should be the guiding ‘light’ for the masters of our destiny:

Duur duniya ka mere dam se andhera ho jaaye

Har jagah mere chamakane se ujaala ho jaaye

(Let the darkness of the world disappear from my presence.

Let every place become bright from my shining existence)

Whether or not the Gilani-led coalition is able to tide over the enormous crisis regardless of his promise to take up power generation projects on priority in his first speech after winning a vote of confidence in the National Assembly, what is clear is that the road will be anything but paved with high beams.

To be fair to the new government, they have inherited the Rubicon of power crisis from the last regime, which continued to ignore the mounting gap in power generation despite warning from experts about the present and clear danger. To not add a single MW of electricity in nearly eight years bordered on criminal negligence.

Consider this excerpted Dawn report of January 8 last year, when the government of the day clearly knew that the country was bracing up for a crisis whose very magnitude would engulf it, but no effort was made to meet the shortfall.

The government is anticipating the energy crisis to worsen in the coming two years due to a 50 per cent increase in the demand and a rather slow improvement in the supply.

The power shortage, estimated to be 1,000 to 2,000 MW during the current year, is likely to hit 3,000 MW next year and to increase to about 5,300 MW by 2010.

The overall energy requirement of Pakistan is expected to be about 80 million tons of oil equivalents (MTOE) in 2010, up by about 50 per cent from the 54 MTOE of the current year.

A government official told Dawn that the energy shortage was severe and widespread in almost all areas, and natural gas, power and oil shortages were all posing risks to the economic growth in medium to long term period.

Gilani has promised to raise power generation by 2,200 MW in a year’s time, which despite failing to meet the requirement would still be a step forward. Moving away from the crisis, one would like to point out the offending wastage of electricity for some time now.

Not a day goes by, when one does not come across well-lit lamp posts on bright mornings or smack in the middle of a sunny day in one sector or the other. One has seen it more times than one can recall in the F, G and I sectors.

And yet, the same lamp posts end up like eyes wide shut as the evening shadows lengthen. Hollywood conjures up such scripts only on reel to create some sort of spook, but for most of us in our otherwise well-planned capital, these dark tales are absolutely real.

It makes you wonder if the distinction between reel and real is that blurred. Perhaps, it is just the CDA’s idea of ‘black’ humour.

The writer is News Editor at Dawn News. He may be contacted at kaamyabi@gmail.com

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