|
| February 26, 2008 | Tuesday | Safar 18, 1429 |
Apologising to Balochistan
Hope for Cyprus?
The post-election scene in Balochistan
OTHER VOICES: Sindhi Press
THE call for a poll boycott by the nationalist political parties in Balochistan received a remarkable response.
WITHOUT any malice towards the Supreme Court Bar Association president Barrister Aitzaz Ahsan’s principled stand on the restoration of the pre-Nov 3 judiciary, this paper, together with some of his close associates in the legal fraternity, is of the opinion that the March 9 call given for a long march on Islamabad should be reconsidered. The new coalition government, if indeed it is sworn in by then, should not be put on such short notice for meeting the lawyers’ demands. Rights activist Ms Asma Jahangir and a former judge, Mr Tariq Mehmood, too, have said this, much as they are in accord with Barrister Ahsan on the issue. There will be many others among the legal community who would share a more considered approach to the timing of a long march, if it should come to that. The APDM component parties, with whom Barrister Ahsan gave the call for a march on Islamabad the other day, have few stakes in the emerging government because they had sat out the Feb 18 election. The parties in question, except for those in Balochistan, had also failed in their election boycott call because the people did not heed it. The APDM may wish to provide more teeth to the lawyers’ movement for the restoration of the sacked judges so as to make their presence felt on the national political scene. Barrister Ahsan should not endorse the tactic, even though the legal community on the whole had also boycotted the election.
The task of cobbling together a broad-based coalition government which the People’s Party is currently undertaking without having to compromise its own stated positions on several issues is a major challenge. That the winner of the biggest number of seats in the National Assembly has reached an understanding with the runner-up, the PML-N, that in principle it accepts the latter’s demand for restoration of the sacked judges, should give the lawyers heart and hope for the better. It makes perfect sense to subject the issue to the scrutiny of a majority vote in parliament after it convenes. That’s the staple for consensus development on all important matters in a democratic set-up. Restoration of the sacked judges through an executive order or a notification issued by the law ministry, as suggested by Barrister Ahsan and those supporting such a move, could also happen once a new government is in place. But even then it would be best to settle the issue through a majority vote so as to respect the voters; perhaps more so the democratic process which they have helped triumph in spite of the odds that were seemingly stacked against it.
IT is never too late to make amends for past mistakes or misdeeds. While the exigencies of power politics doubtless played a part in its timing, the PPP’s ‘apology’ to the people of Balochistan is both welcome and warranted. It would be folly to doubt the sincerity of the gesture at this crucial juncture where every seed of hope planted by any hand must be given a chance to blossom. True, Mr Zardari’s party is trying to win hearts and minds so it can cobble together a government in Balochistan, the only province where the PML-Q retained its numerical superiority after Feb 18. Although the PPP’s announcement must necessarily be seen in this context, it nonetheless bodes well for national reconciliation and the future stability of the federation. By apologising for “atrocities and injustices” committed against the Baloch people — excesses which no fair-minded person can deny — the PPP has acted not only in its own interest but also that of the country. The olive branch extended on Sunday also promises the release of all political prisoners, a halt to the military operation in Balochistan and a pledge to work towards giving “maximum provincial autonomy to the provinces” as envisaged in the 1973 Constitution. All these measures, long overdue, are critical to the redressal of genuine grievances and inter-provincial harmony.
The PPP’s apology — “on behalf of the people of Pakistan” — is in its very wording illustrative of the sense of separateness that pervades Balochistan and perhaps even the way it is viewed by outsiders. Unwittingly, no doubt, a distinction has been made between the Baloch and other citizens of the state. Semantics aside, Balochistan’s neglect at the hands of the centre and the resulting alienation felt by the people of the province are sadly all too real. Right from the post-independence regency days and through the seventies to the military crackdown by the army under President Gen Musharraf, the Baloch have felt exploited, subjugated and otherwise hard done by. For want of other voices and outlets, their disillusionment has come to be channelled through nationalism and occasionally even insurgency. Resource-rich Balochistan, whose natural gas has fuelled the engine of the national economy for decades, remains the most socio-economically backward province in the country. Committees have been formed to redress grievances and special packages announced for economic uplift but implementation has been lacking over the years. Greater provincial autonomy and control over natural resources, as promised by the PPP, can go a long way in restoring trust and righting historical wrongs. A start must be made and followed through.
DIMITRIS Christofias’s election as Greek Cypriot president seems to have brightened the prospects of a revival of the island’s unification talks. Immediately after winning Sunday’s election, Mr Christofias made it clear to his jubilant supporters that he would work with “all Cypriots” to reunite the island. Ahead of the vote, Turkish Prime Minister Recep Erdogan said he hoped for a Cyprus solution “at last”, because the incumbent President Tassos Papadopoulos was “evasive” on the issue. Mr Christofias also received a congratulatory telephone call from Prime Minister Mehmet Ali Talat of the Northern Republic of Turkish Cyprus, and the two are likely to meet soon. Unlike Mr Papadopoulos, a hardliner, Mr Christofias, a Soviet-educated communist, has leftist admirers in the northern half as well and told his supporters after his electoral victory that he had “a common vision … to reunite our people, Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots”.
While the European Union has to put up with a communist head of one of its member states, observers say that, in the post-cold war era, it will be a mistake to treat Mr Christofias as a Fidel Castro or Che Guevara. On the contrary, given the positive reaction in the Turkish half, his election could remove a major source of EU worries by solving the Cyprus problem. At present, Cyprus is one of the key impediments to Turkey’s entry into the EU. It is, of course, too optimistic to believe that the island, which has remained divided since 1974, will be united quickly. Given the island’s history and the bloodbath that followed the coup which overthrew the government led by Archbishop Makarios, the two governments have a formidable task ahead of them. The EU, which has traditionally supported the southern republic, felt greatly disappointed when voters in the south rejected the Kofi Annan plan in 2004, while the north accepted it. The election of a soft-liner like Mr Christofias could pave the way for a solution acceptable to the two sides, thus removing a source of tension in the Eastern Mediterranean and speeding up Turkey’s EU entry process.
Although, the government polled hundreds of thousand of votes in volatile districts to convey an impression of popular participation in the electoral exercise, the results in urban and peaceful constituencies were a clear indication that the turn-out was simply four to six per cent in the province.
Take the case of the Kech-cum-Gwadar constituency (NA-272). Here the turn out was 2.8 per cent, with the winning candidate securing 6272 votes. Zubeda Jalal who lost the election for this seat secured 2,900 votes. But in NA-265, which comprises of volatile districts such as Dera Bugti, Kohlu and Sibi, where observers were denied access for reasons of security, an impossible 40 per cent turn out was recorded.
The Baloch political parties do not regret their decision of boycotting the polls. Their commitment to their political cause is unshakeable. Over the years, the lack of trust among Baloch and Pushtoons for an unproductive parliamentary system has been repeatedly reinforced, with the provincial assembly’s resolutions, recommendations and demands being either ignored or discarded by the military-led government.
As always, Balochistan will remain voiceless and powerless in the policy and decision making process. The establishment’s bias against the Baloch is visible in the election results. The PML-Q’s comeback in Balochistan clearly indicates that Islamabad is determined to perpetuate the status quo in the province so that it can continue its policy of controlling and grabbing the natural resources of the region through the use of force.
The establishment also hopes to use the PML-Q government in Balochistan as a counterweight to the PPP government at the centre. If a PPP-led government is set up in Islamabad and it wants to run the country’s affairs smoothly then it must move swiftly to form its own government in Quetta.
Pakistan’s multiple troubles cannot be handled without having peace and genuine representation of all provinces in the affairs of the state. Prolonged central-provincial conflicts are inevitable if the PPP-led coalition government at the centre fails to correct unpopular policies of the establishment vis-à-vis smaller provinces. The Balochistan-Islamabad confrontation will continue and remain a permanent feature of the civilian set-up.
Balochistan has had and will continue to have a serious impact on foreign investment and energy resource development. Political unrest in the province has direct repercussions on the energy situation; gas production has fallen by four per cent in the last four years. The prospects of the Iran-Pakistan-India and other proposed gas pipelines remain questionable till a complete and peaceful resolution of the Balochistan conflict is achieved.
Islamabad’s prolonged policy of suppression and installing a puppet government in Quetta has proved to be counter-productive. The establishment-backed upcoming PML-Q provincial government will be ineffective and is expected to worsen the already volatile situation. The last PML-Q government proved to be the worst provincial regime in Balochistan’s political history. It supported the full-blown military operation and ignored the humanitarian crisis of hundreds of thousands of internally displaced people of Dera-Bugti and Kohlu districts.
The government also remained silent on human rights issues such as the killings, disappearances and arbitrary arrests of common people. The PML-MMA government took no action against Afghan refugees, and illegal immigrants living in Quetta, who protected and supported the Taliban.
During 2002-2005, Balochistan experienced an unprecedented level of mismanagement. Millions were embezzled, the literacy rate dropped, infant and maternal mortality rate increased, billions of rupees worth of land was seized by government ministers in coastal areas and Quetta district and, despite verdicts of the High Courts and Supreme Court, no action was taken against the land-mafia.
The 2005-06 annual budget drawn up by the PML-Q and MMA coalition was a product of financial misconducts. The budget deficit, as was the case with earlier budgets, was Rs13.24bn. The debt burden was on the rise and the province’s financial constraints have only fuelled a vicious cycle of debt and interest payments. In June 2006, the provincial government’s loans with the State Bank stood at Rs15bn after interest payment of over Rs262.7m.
Balochistan’s future depends on what policies the newly appointed central government adopts. The energy basket of Pakistan is bleeding. The region which has been a source of constant energy supply for industrial and domestic consumption is being ruthlessly repressed into silence.
If the new government at the centre wants a change in the status quo, it will have to respect and treat the Baloch as equal citizens with legitimate demands. The mistrust between the Baloch and Islamabad is at its peak and a simple change of guard in the corridors of power is not enough to encourage Balochistan to enthusiastically integrate into the mainstream.
The next government in Islamabad must initiate confidence building measures, the first of which must be the release of all political prisoners and the recovery of those who have disappeared. There is a need to encourage civilian rule by reducing the number of troops and check posts in the province, investing more on social and micro-economic development, empowering Baloch youth and restructuring the colonial polices of the central government in the province.
Baloch nationalist parties in conjunction with their Pushtoon nationalist allies will sustain the political momentum that has been created. They will launch a concerted campaign if central government policies remain unchanged towards their province. PPP’s success in the government will depend on its pro-people policies. Stability, security, energy, investment and employment opportunities are obtainable if there is total normality in centre-province relations.
The writer is a Senator.
Challenges for newly elected representatives
Awami Awaz
MANY difficult challenges await our newly elected representatives. But looking at the track record of their parties, it seems unlikely that the coming months will witness a dramatic change in the current situation of the country and that the nation will embark on the path to prosperity. By casting their vote, the people have honoured these parties; but this honour, in practical terms, is a tough promise to keep. There are challenges of solidarity within the country, along with political, socio-economic and cultural quagmires.
The dilemma of solidarity is related to the rights of the provinces and their people. The establishment has been playing games with the individual identities of Sindh, Balochistan and NWFP, which has created havoc. History is witness to how the resources of these provinces have been exploited, without the concerned people getting their due share. All this has compelled smaller ‘nationalities’ to feel like lesser citizens with little or no political and economic space in the country. This sense of separation deepened each time one of these units tried to act independently in political, economic and cultural spheres or demanded its rights. In certain cases, army operations were also launched.
Now is the time for representatives to take up these core issues. If a complete resolution of these issues is a tall order, then the least they can do is initiate a journey in the right direction….
The main economic issue is the price hike, which is a direct result of certain policies of the government, and is now being blamed on traders and the private sector. Today, people are faced with an unprecedented inflation, and the government seems helpless….unless the government is able to rectify this reality, its people will continue to suffer. The same applies to the rise in unemployment, which is also an outcome of the government’s policies and attitude. — (Feb 24)
American interference in government formation
Sindh
There are disconcerting reports that there is US pressure on the PPP co-chairperson Asif Ali Zardari to include pro-Musharraf parties in the coalition government. America has been involved in our internal affairs for long and now that a party has won through the vote of the people, it should be allowed to form a government without any interference from external forces.
PPP had made an agreement with PML-N and ANP for the formation of their governments in the provinces as well as at the centre, and these parties appear to be sincere about the matter.
The party that wins the elections enjoys the constitutional and moral right to form the government; whether this party forms an alliance with any other party of its choice is also its prerogative. Why then, was America pushing for the inclusion of certain parties in the coalition?
As PPP, PML-N and ANP have decided to form the government; they should stand by their decision and take action in this direction. Reports suggest that these three major parties, which had agreed to form the government, have also arrived at a consensus on the issue of restoration of deposed judges. The fact that political parties have resolved their differences and were making joint decisions is indeed a positive development. Such actions will prove beneficial for the people and the stability of the country.
People are braving various problems and miseries and therefore, have considerable expectations from the new government….
As PPP has secured a majority in the centre as well as in Sindh, it should be allowed to form its government without any preconditions…. any intervention from America or any other external force will be harmful to the democratic process, and these forces should keep away from national matters. — (Feb 23)
— Selected and translated by Sohail Sangi