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DAWN - the Internet Edition


January 26, 2008 Saturday Muharram 16, 1429


Editorial


Words to the wise
Gaza blockade
Imposed, not offered
Musharraf’s eight-day talkathon
OTHER VOICES - Bangladesh Press



Words to the wise


MR Musharraf is not unique in his inability to see the writing on the wall and thinks he is indispensable. Mr Imran Khan recently echoed what many Democrats in the US are saying in the electoral race when he pointed out that the US needs to befriend the people of Pakistan, not just its government. Pakistan has not had a legitimate government since

1999. The tailored-democracy phase that proffered the likes of Shaukat Aziz was little more than a sham. Everyone knew it to be so. Yet the United States threw its full weight behind a dispensation so shockingly bereft of democratic ideals, for reasons Washington may well come to regret. The time is right for the White House to support the forces, most of them rooted in civil society, that wish to put Pakistan back firmly on the path of democracy. And democracy, this time round, must not be tailored to suit those who conveniently choose to conflate personal and national interest. When the US thinks of Pakistan, it must consider the wishes of its people, not just one man.

If the US and Pakistan have only one thing in common, it is the desire to bring to book those intent on subverting our way of life, here as well as in America. But then here’s the problem. What exactly is our ‘way of life’? The consensus, though there is no solid data, appears to be that Pakistanis do not wish to be lorded over by barely literate mullahs who sit in judgment on the morality of people’s behaviour. Yet the majority of Pakistanis is anti-American, at least on the surface. How can this anomaly be reconciled? Like it or not, the minority view, espoused by those who favour Talibanisation, must also be accommodated in the discourse. It may well be rubbished in due course, with the sane majority trouncing the fanatics, but these things have to be debated openly. Where do we wish to go as a nation state? Only a majority vote, a democratic vote in fair and free elections, can decide that destination.

The answer, in part, lies in America (because, yes, America makes a big difference) understanding that its popularity and acceptance lies in befriending the people of Pakistan. If there is a wheat shortage pushing people to the brink of suicide, the US (using its vast agricultural reserves) can surely step in and send a gift to the people, repeat people, of Pakistan. No amount of kudos for President Pervez Musharraf, who has appeared to fail dismally as an administrator, can win the Bush administration even a modicum of respect in Pakistan. The US government must reach out to the people and insist on democracy fashioned by the people, not one man.

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Gaza blockade


EVEN though Israel has eased the blockade it imposed on Palestine a week ago, the crisis in Gaza has still to ease. Four Hamas men were killed on Friday by Israeli troops who claimed that they were preparing to attack Israel. The fact is that the situation in Gaza is far from normal. The anomaly was created when Israel continued to be in occupation of the West Bank, while Gaza was supposedly vacated following Ariel Sharon’s ‘disengagement’ plan in 2005. However, the much-publicised withdrawal is a complete hoax, for Israel has continued to control all air, land and sea exits. Last week, in response to rocket attacks from Gaza, Israel chose once again to punish the people of the occupied strip by a series of harsh measures that made normal life impossible. It stopped fuel supplies for power production, and the blockade served to cut off the food and drug supplies by UN aid agencies, creating a life-threatening situation in Gaza hospitals. The aid agencies, and even the European Union, whose policies on the whole are supportive of Israel, condemned what the EU called “the collective punishment” of 1.5 million people.

Faced with starvation and left with no choice but to go to the Egyptian part of Rafah, the desperate Gazans blew up the Israel-built wall and poured into Egypt to purchase essential items, especially food and life-saving drugs. That no less than 200,000 Gazans should cross the border testifies to the dimensions of the humanitarian disaster caused by Israel’s punishment of the people rather than of the militants. Yet, in spite of this, no word of sympathy for the persecuted Gazans has come from Washington. Instead, White House spokesmen have justified Tel Aviv’s actions, saying rocket attacks by Hamas had “caused Israel to implement the blockade” — “implement”, as if some agreement authorises Tel Aviv to cut off food and drug supplies to the Gazans. The easing of the blockade under international pressure does not mean an end to the Palestinian people’s misery. On the West Bank, Israel continues to gobble up more Palestinian land by expanding settlements. The Ehud government has also brazenly announced that it is not bound by the timetable laid down in the Annapolis document. The blockade, a violation of the Geneva conventions, came in the wake of President Bush’s recent visit to the Middle East and goes to show what importance Israel attaches to the

Bush administration’s peace moves. Not even the most optimistic now believes that a Palestinian state will come into being by the end of the year.

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Imposed, not offered


GETTING minor shocks every time one receives a utility bill has become a part and parcel of a subscriber’s life. All bills have an inflated look about them. But the shock caused by PTCL’s telephone bill to subscribers across the country this month is a different story. It can only be termed extortion. The charge of Rs199 against the automatic, involuntary activation of the Pakistan Package is irksome, to say the least. No wonder the public reaction is one of condemnation. Besides, there is also justification in questioning the logic behind the decision to do away with the coding and decoding facility on all telephone lines which was an effective tool to pre-empt misuse.

Pre-activated since Dec 1, 2007, the package enables customers to make nationwide calls to all PTCL and V-phone numbers at a very low charge, which may well be fantastic for those who may wish to subscribe to it. But to slap it across the board to all its six million subscribers is a decision that reeks of malafide intention. What is even worse is the fact that the helpline offered to those who wish to unsubscribe remains constantly busy and is clearly unable to manage the burden of catering to hundreds of thousands of annoyed PTCL clients. The only other recourse is to personally approach PTCL Customer Service Centres, but the heavy rush on the counters makes many wonder what actually represents the lesser evil: paying the charge or standing in snail-pace queues? The point is simple: PTCL should have kept with the practice of providing its various services to those who wished to subscribe to them. In its current form, Pakistan Package is a service that has been imposed, not offered. And this has caused a lot of botheration to the subscribers who have to either pay monthly for services they did not intend to sign up for, or face humiliation and waste time at PTCL counters for no fault of their own. It is time for the Pakistan Telecommunication Authority to rectify this ill-advised decision and withdraw the package at once.

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Musharraf’s eight-day talkathon


By Shadaba Islam

PRESIDENT Pervez Musharraf’s eight-day tour of key European capitals appears to have produced mixed results. The Pakistani leader certainly grabbed the attention of European and foreign media with his criticism of the West’s ‘obsession’ with democracy and his assertion that Al Qaeda was ‘on the run’ in Pakistan.

But even as they reported on his comments, most European and American journalists were sceptical — to say the least — of the president’s declarations. More crucially, Mr Musharraf appears to have failed in achieving the main aim of his European tour: convincing European Union politicians and business leaders that he’s still the right man in the right place at the right time.

If anything, the visit appears to have raised even more questions about the uncertain future of both the man and the country. European Union and Nato policymakers remain worried about the spreading insurgency in Pakistan, the army’s failure to curb militancy and fight terrorism and post-elections politics in the country.

On the plus side, throughout his tour, the president proved that while he may have become one of the world’s most controversial leaders, unlike other strongmen who shun public exposure, he still has a surprising desire to “engage” his critics in conversation and that, whatever the occasion and whoever the interlocutor, he can certainly talk the talk.

In fact, Mr Musharraf’s visit was a talk marathon. In Brussels, where he kicked off his tour, the president held a series of meetings with international reporters, think-tanks, Belgian, Nato and EU policymakers as well as European parliamentarians where he fielded tough questions on Pakistan’s upcoming elections, curbs on media freedom and his failure to rein in religious militants.

While his performance was well-rehearsed, smooth and seamless, it was clear that the encounter with reporters and later with equally critical European parliamentarians was a difficult one. The president frequently wiped his face with a handkerchief and, at one point, said ruefully: “The temperature is rather warm…or is it just that I am talking?”

The real difficulty facing Mr Musharraf in Brussels and elsewhere is that as an ex-general — albeit now clad in expensive designer suits — the Pakistani president has never enjoyed much political and public sympathy or support. Although many may still believe he is an indispensable ally in the so-called ‘war on terror’, the crackdown on pro-democracy activists and judges last year and, especially, the imposition of emergency rule in November, has badly damaged his democratic credentials.

Second, while he may be a shrewd military man-turned-politician with great PR skills, smooth talk and spin alone cannot clean up either the president’s international image or Pakistan’s global standing. Clearly, the tragic murder of former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto last December has further tarnished Mr Musharraf’s reputation abroad. The visit also appears to have done little to allay EU and Nato concerns about Pakistan’s uncertain political future — including growing worries about what will happen after next month’s elections.

Third, while Mr Musharraf had certainly done his homework and endlessly repeated his message on elections, his commitment to fight terrorism and the safety of Pakistan’s nuclear weapons, sometimes the rhetoric got confused and confusing.

Next month’s parliamentary polls would be free, fair and peaceful, vowed Mr Musharraf. “I am an army man who believes very strongly in democracy and human rights,” he insisted. However, in the next breath — and totally unprompted — he demanded that western governments and the media stop their “obsession” with promoting democracy in the country and give Pakistan more time to achieve “the values you have established for yourself”.

As one reporter pointed out afterwards, however, the president seemed to forget that it is not the West but Pakistani human rights activists, lawyers and reporters who are spearheading calls for good governance and the rule of law — and have faced stints in prison for making such demands.

The explanation for his European visit produced a similarly contradictory effect. The reason for his tour, Mr Musharraf said, was to remove ‘misunderstandings and misperceptions’ about the situation in Pakistan. However, he then proceeded to paint a bleak picture of a country where citizens were ‘despondent and demoralised’, where religious extremism was on the rise and political life was plagued by ‘feudals and tribals’. Making the picture darker still, the president said he feared the ‘Talibanisation of our society’. So much for correcting distortions.

The message became even more complicated at the European Parliament. Pakistan was not a failed state or a “banana republic with a tradition of killing opponents”, the president insisted in a heated question and answer session. And he was not ‘Dr Jekyll and Mr Hyde’ but the same man who enjoyed world support as an ally against terror after Sept 11, 2001. He also rejected as ‘trash’ suspicions that the government or security services had a hand in Benazir Bhutto’s murder.

Even more stridently, the president challenged an assertion by the International Federation of Journalists that he has restricted freedom of the press. Some 95 per cent of articles in the Pakistani press are critical of the government, he said, adding to the amazement of all: “Our media is much more independent in reporting — the print media and the electronic media — than in the West.”

Insults against critics were part of the message. Former Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry was denounced as ‘inept and corrupt’ while retired generals who said that they no longer had confidence in him — remarks that fuelled western speculation that the president is losing the support of the army — were described as ‘insignificant personalities’. Human rights activist Asma Jahangir also got short shrift.

The president’s eight-day talkathon may prove useful, however, if he takes to heart some of the key messages delivered by EU and Nato policymakers: the elections must not be rigged, he must act to restore the independence of the judiciary and lift all restrictions on the media. Equally significantly, that the focus must be on building strong Pakistani institutions and that, in addition to military action, the fight against extremism must also focus on promoting development and fighting poverty.

The writer is Dawn’s correspondent in Brussels.

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OTHER VOICES - Bangladesh Press


Freedom of teachers: lessons to learn

FOUR Dhaka University teachers walked out of jail on Tuesday, free after five months of detention. They were convicted by a Dhaka court in a morning verdict, but pardoned by President Iajuddin Ahmed just as quickly in a gesture of clemency later in the day. Education adviser Hossain Zillur Rahman said it was a respectable end to tensions. Critics said it was stage-managed and ridiculous.

In instant reactions, students rejected the verdict against the four teachers, who had been sentenced to two years in jail. Other teachers called it a verdict against the “conscience of the nation”. The whole episode — violence in August of last year, arrest, remand, trial and conviction — has created a raft of bad precedents and put question marks against the country’s judiciary.

The legal procedure ran into controversy. The movement by the students and teachers won. The so-called rule of law lost its shine. The government lost out to a tide of public sentiments. It was a moral defeat for the government. It was a defeat of the government’s strategy, which is more intriguing.

The government must take responsibility for what happened. Some ‘media partners’ clouded the thoughts of the powers that be, but most writers and journalists tried to help the government with honest advice. The government did not take into account the recommendations by the one-member judicial commission.

Freedom for the four teachers and 15 students failed to draw a line under the contentious issue. It took a different turn, a different shape.

We urge the government to take more caution about any step it may take in future, and listen to public calls for an end to emergency rule. — (Jan 24)

Against the law and conscience

TORTURE in custody is against the law and against international conventions. The alleged torture of Dhaka University students soon after their arrest, and later in remand, came as a shock to people with a conscience. Also tortured were university teachers in custody, but it was mostly psychological.

The details of physical torture revealed by the 15 students were mind-boggling. If they had been proved guilty of having a role in the August violence on the DU campus, they would have been punished by the law. But they were freed from jail after a Dhaka court cleared them of the charges. Now they have disclosed details about their sufferings at the hands of security officials.

We emphasise that custodial torture goes against Article 35(4) of the constitution and the United Nations Convention against Torture. Who will provide security for the people when those in charge of it take to violence? We would like to refer to a 2004 case that found its way to the high court that set a series of rules for security officials to follow during interrogations of suspects in custody.

A lawyer for the accused must be present during interrogation in remand and investigators must interrogate the detained suspects at the gate of a prison (not in an isolated, secret place). The rules are meant to stop violence against suspects, but security officials are flouting these. Unbelievable.

If it is true that nobody is above the law, it means the law applies to security officials as well. Law-enforcers and others must be more responsible than they are now. They must behave.It is necessary to take action against the violators of the law and international conventions. — (Jan 25)

— Selected and translated by Arun Devnath

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