|
| November 24, 2007 | Saturday | Ziqa’ad 13, 1428 |
The plot thickens
Commonwealth suspension
Europe & the emperor’s new clothes
OTHER VOICES - Bangladesh Press
MANY years ago, as a young and inexperienced journalist covering European Union (EU) affairs in Brussels, I was given precious, friendly advice by a much-respected senior Indian colleague: “Dress well and conduct yourself with dignity,” Malcolm Subhan told me. “Remember, for many Europeans, you are the only Pakistani they will ever meet. Like it or not, you are effectively your country’s ambassador.”
IN an interview with the BBC after the proclamation of the Provisional Constitution Order and the emergency, President General Pervez Musharraf claimed that before Nov 3 he had not done anything unconstitutional and illegal. The implication was that his Nov 3 actions were extra-constitutional and illegal. Now the post-PCO Supreme Court has upheld those actions in no uncertain terms. Even more ominously, Gen Musharraf’s power to amend the Constitution has also been upheld. The judges of the present Supreme Court could not have ruled differently anyway because they had taken an oath to uphold the PCO. The decision may appear shocking to observers in countries where rule of law and constitutionality is held supreme. Here at home it didn’t appear surprising because Pakistan’s judicial history is replete with instances where expediency rather than points of law and constitution has guided major judgments having a bearing on the destiny of the nation.
The much-maligned Justice Munir may have been the first member of the country’s superior judiciary to uphold an individual’s assault on the democratic order but half a century on he will find himself in august company. The result is that sixty years after it came into being, Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s dream of a democratic Pakistan where the rule of law, justice, equality and tolerance prevail remains just that, a dream.
Yes, we are faced with an extraordinary situation because the country’s very existence in the shape and form envisaged by the founding fathers is being threatened by extremists. But the answer to this challenge does not lie in vesting more power and authority in the hands of an individual who, after eight years at the helm, laments the state of the nation and raises the spectre of a failed state as if it is someone else’s fault. Gen Musharraf has slammed the pre-PCO judiciary for ‘overstepping’ its authority, tried to restrict the media’s ability to scrutinise government policies and actions courtesy draconian laws and measures citing ‘irresponsible’ journalism and charged opposition parties with ‘agitation’ when all they have tried to do is exercise their right to free assembly. Now that he has received a stamp of approval from the post-PCO Supreme Court he will feel emboldened to find more faults with everybody but his supporters and, of course, the institution he belongs to and currently heads.
As long as the ‘war on terror’ lasts, the international community will dismiss the gravest violation of the constitution and law as minor misdemeanours. But one can’t discount the resilience of the nation and allow despair to dominate. Pakistan has survived autocratic rule with all its ills on more than one occasion in the past. Seven, eight, ten and eleven member benches can deliver their verdicts suited to one ‘ground reality’ or another. However, it may not be just optimism to believe that one day millions of Pakistanis will deliver their verdict and pin the blame on those who have transgressed their authority more than anyone else in the country.
THE rapidity with which events are unfolding on the political front suggests that the endgame has begun in earnest. But what form the finale will take is still up in the air, as is the time frame involved. Indeed, it is not even clear whether we are moving towards elections or a government of national unity that will set in train another ‘transition’ to democracy, this time with members of the opposition on board. All that is certain at this point is that Pervez Musharraf will continue as president come what may. The general is armed with the legal cover that he has conferred on his draconian measures and can also count on the unstinting support of the post-PCO Supreme Court. For all its muted reservations vis-à-vis the emergency, the White House too remains unwavering in the faith reposed in his ‘commitment’ to democracy. All this, and an opposition in complete disarray, has done much to strengthen the president’s hand in recent days. Not that he is a man without worries — far from it — but he appears to be moving out of the corner in which he had painted himself. He should shortly be doffing his uniform and the signs are that the emergency will be lifted as well.
News that the Sharifs could be returning any day has done much to fuel speculation that a denouement to the crisis may be at hand. The Saudis apparently want no further part in the exile business, and Shahbaz Sharif and Kulsoom Nawaz may well reach Pakistan in time to file nomination papers for the next elections. Nawaz Sharif is expected shortly thereafter but it is unlikely that he will be allowed to contest the polls. The nomination deadline may have passed by then and then there is the hurdle of his ‘convict’ status. As things stand it appears that the PPP and the PML-N have decided to take part in the elections and this is an encouraging development, especially given that the emergency may be lifted ahead of the polls. Free and fair elections seem impossible when freedom of expression and movement are curtailed and while a section of the media remains gagged. An equally important gauge is the perception of the main opposition parties. If the PPP and the PML-N are comfortable with the way events are unfolding, they should have no reason to boycott the elections. The democratic process must be restarted and every step towards a representative set-up seen as a welcome move.
IN practical terms, Pakistan’s suspension from the Commonwealth amounts to little more than a rap on the knuckles. Yet, its exclusion from the 53-member organisation that seeks to promote good governance and democratic practices is a considerable loss of face for the country. It is the latest international rebuke to Gen Musharraf for undermining the Constitution, imposing emergency, and not doffing his uniform. It also underlines the growing concern of the global community over events inside Pakistan. With the government’s credibility hitting rock bottom, few are willing to condone its frontal assault on democratic institutions and civil liberties, and remain unimpressed by the regime’s excuses of a potentially explosive situation in the country on account of the ongoing militancy. Image-conscious as Gen Musharraf’s regime is, there has been no substantive effort by policymakers to make an honest assessment of the government’s performance or to correct deficiencies that even Pakistan’s frontline position in the fight against terror can no longer conceal from the world.
Even if Gen Musharraf, pressured by global opinion, decides to lift the emergency and the Commonwealth welcomes Pakistan back into the fold, the damage caused will not be undone. It is for the country’s sake, and not merely because of what the rest of the world is saying, that Pakistan will have to ‘do more’ — not only to effectively combat militancy in its border and settled areas but also to restore to the nation the constitutional freedoms that have been snatched from it. It is about time our politicians realised that far from obstructing the war on terror, democracy — in its true, unadulterated and representative form — is essential for ensuring that Pakistan is on the winning side. Backed by the people’s mandate, a truly civilian government, with the army taking orders from it, can make this happen.
I remember at the time, I protested vociferously. It was too heavy a burden to carry. “It’s alright for Indians,” I complained. “You have Gandhi and democracy.” But what on earth could Pakistan, with its turbulent history of religious violence, extremism, military coups, meddling in neighbours’ affairs, and mistreatment of women, children and minorities, be proud of? And for all our frequent nostalgic yearning for home, why would any Pakistani man or woman voluntarily take on the difficult task of trying to represent – albeit informally - his/her country abroad?
Malcolm was right of course. In a stressed-out world of snap judgments, all expatriates end up being their country’s – often reluctant - envoys. And as most of us have discovered to our alarm and dismay since General Pervez Musharraf imposed emergency rule earlier this month, for Pakistanis abroad, there is no hiding place.
Rich or poor, integrated or marginalised, erudite or clueless, we have no choice: As Pakistan lurches from crisis to crisis and Musharraf’s pained face stares out from every single international television news channel, it’s the hapless expatriates who get the short end of the stick.
True, this is not the first time in Pakistan’s volatile history that we have had to explain the erroneous ways of a military ruler or the whimsical and often corrupt policies of civilian leaders. And there is no denying that Pakistani ambassadors and other diplomats also have to fend off pointed questions about Musharraf’s erratic conduct and misrule.
EU policymakers say they are ‘worried and concerned’ about the general’s clampdown on lawyers, reporters and human rights activists. EU governments want the political prisoners released, an end to emergency rule and free and fair elections. More outspoken members of the European Parliament have used slightly stronger words to denounce Musharraf’s recent string of bizarre actions. Take off your uniform, they all urge the general.
But first, most of these comments and queries are couched in polite language normally associated with the rarefied world of international diplomacy. Second, diplomats are trained and paid to lie/spin/mislead in the name of the president and the country. Third, because of that reputation, no one believes diplomats anyway.
Out here in the rough and ready real world, however, discussions about Pakistan tend to be tougher. EU policymakers and journalists are of course the most curious – and the most alarmed – about the current state of disarray in Pakistan. But questions about events in the country come quick and fast from many sources: friends and neighbours, academics, students, shopkeepers, taxi drivers, hairdressers, even fellow airplane passengers.
Most Europeans are shocked by the recent turn of events. Uniformed leaders are not popular in Europe, reminding many of their own recent history of unsavoury military dictatorships in Spain, Portugal and Greece. Europeans also have strong fears about Pakistan’s nuclear programme, its reputation as a haven for terrorists and home to religious extremists. Questions therefore centre on the situation in Waziristan and Swat and Pakistan’s stop-start promises to rein in the activities of the Taliban in neighbouring Afghanistan.
Increasingly, however, it’s Pakistan’s political future that is capturing Europeans’ interest. Given the vast number of foreign reporters currently in Pakistan – and more seeking to go to the country — most newspapers and TV channels on the continent are full of news about Pakistan. And this, inevitably, leads to more and more questions.
Top of the list, as the Pakistani tragi-comedy unfolds on our TV screens – with images of policemen battling lawyers, arresting reporters, hauling away Imran Khan beamed into every home — are queries about the president’s mental state. As one colleague never fails to ask every time he sees me: “Tell me: has Musharraf lost the plot completely?”
Nobody is fooled by Islamabad’s rhetoric that the current repression will somehow, miraculously consolidate democracy in the country. And nobody believes that even if the state of emergency is lifted and the president starts wearing civilian clothes, the upcoming elections will be free and fair.
More restrained EU diplomats note with concern that the president seems more intent on holding on to power than in promoting democracy. They appear especially troubled that the crackdown has focused on democrats and moderates – “the very people Pakistan needs to confront the challenge of extremism”, as one EU official told me.
With the spotlight on civil society heroes and heroines, including ousted Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry, less attention is being paid to the once-adored Benazir Bhutto whose reputation and credibility have been visibly dented by her on-off political dalliance with Musharraf. Former cricket star Imran Khan’s emergence as a political hero was in the headlines for a week or so. But it’s Nawaz Sharif’s tough stance which continues to draw the most comment.
The International Federation of Journalists, (IFJ) meanwhile, has mounted a determined campaign against the government’s attempts to crush the media. “We believe that President Pervez Musharraf has crossed all bounds in seeking to continue his autocratic rule by muzzling the voice of media, and pledge never to give up the fight for press freedom and the people’s right to know,” according to a declaration issued by the IFJ.
The decision to suspend Pakistan’s membership taken by Commonwealth “pending restoration of democracy and the rule of law” will certainly trigger even more interest and curiosity in EU capitals. This means additional hard work for Pakistan’s spin doctors, both at home and abroad. But since few give credence to Islamabad’s rapidly-changing official rhetoric, it also means more difficult questions addressed to Pakistan’s equally hard-working expatriates.
The writer is Dawn’s correspondent based in Brussels.
A question mark
On Monday, Bangladesh welcomed international aid to cope with the aftermath of Cyclone Sidr that left a trail of devastation in the south. The foreign affairs adviser of the caretaker government, Iftekhar Ahmed Chowdhury, said he expected friendly nations to come forward and help Bangladesh. He maintained that it was not possible for the country to fight the cyclone fallouts on its own as its resources were not enough to repair the battered south.
Bangladesh has faced a series of natural disasters since 1960 and lost hundreds of thousands of people to cyclones and floods. It faced them with whatever resources it had — and sometimes appealed for assistance from donors.
Saudi Arabia has announced $100 million and 300 tonnes of medicines and other relief materials as cyclone aid. Other countries including India and Pakistan also pledged aid. The administrator for the US Agency for International Development (USAID), Henrietta H Fore, arrived in Bangladesh to see the devastation wreaked by the cyclone.
But the government kept mum on the planned arrival of two US naval ships to assist Bangladesh’s relief efforts. The USS Essex and USS Kearsarge were expected to arrive by Monday. Each ship was carrying at least 20 helicopters, which could be used for medical evacuations and surveying the affected areas.
“At the request of the US embassy in Bangladesh, US Pacific Command has sent a 23-man humanitarian assistance survey team of US marines to the southern coast of Bangladesh,” the embassy statement said. But the foreign ministry kept it under wraps despite queries from reporters and questions have surfaced over the government’s secretive approach. — (Nov 21)
Laid bare
Cyclone Sidr washed away many of us, much of ours. Residential areas, property, crops and livestock are all gone. Busy neighbourhoods are laid bare. The air is heavy with cries for food and drinking water. People, now just numbers, are desperate to survive through the crisis in the already impoverished country.
The cyclone that tore through Bangladesh on Nov 15 with giant waves and deadly winds killing more than 3,000 people also ruined a large swathe of the Sundarbans. The world’s largest mangrove forest that has shielded us from the onslaughts of natural disasters so many times now bears deep wounds of devastation. The storm also muted the Royal Bengal Tigers.
Putrid odours pervade the forest, home to the spotted deer and the area is littered with carcasses. According to news reports, the cyclone also downed trees on 110,000 hectares of the forestland. Fears run deep that the forest will never be the same again as fallouts of climate change loom large.
In this national catastrophe, the government will — certainly and understandably — pay immediate attention to the people who have been hungry for days in the southern arc. We suggest that the government at an opportune time take an initiative to restore the lost glory of the Sundarbans, besides rebuilding ruined districts.
Things are not as easy as they seem. Any project for the Sundarbans will need hefty funds. We believe the government can make it happen with the help of donors, provided there is sincerity. We should move a little faster to preserve the ecological balance that stands threatened by the phenomenal damage to the Sundarbans. This is for our life, our survival. (Nov 22)
— Selected and translated by Arun Devnath