| November 20, 2007 | Tuesday | Ziqa’ad 09, 1428 |
Sulaiman Nadvi — an extraordinary scholar
Shafi Mohammad – a versatile artist
IN Syed Sulaiman Nadvi’s personality, we see a beautiful confluence of the streams of eastern and western knowledge. He had full command over Arabic, Persian, English and Hebrew, which gave him access to a variety of sources. A profound study of different branches of knowledge created an insight that is rare amongst his contemporaries. He was a research scholar, historian, biographer, journalist, linguist, poet and translator.
SHAFI Mohammad Shah, who died on Saturday in Karachi, was one of the most versatile and graceful actors in Pakistan. Respected by all, he carved a place for himself when the country’s film industry and television were thirsting for talent.
WHAT is blatantly significant about the current agitation for the restoration of democracy, as compared to previous pro- democracy agitations in the 1960s and 1980s, is the prominent role played by the lawyers, who for the first time in the country’s history are standing up as a community for what they believe in for their institution and their country.
For the journalists who had earlier played their part in defying curbs on the print media under the rule of previous generals, it is not surprising that they are now up in arms against curbs on the newly emerged electronic media.
Through protests, boycotts, hunger strikes and sit-ins in the twin cities and elsewhere since the imposition of emergency on 11/3, lawyers and journalists are getting the taste of the practical realities of politics in venting out their pent-up frustrations against recent dictatorial challenges to their respective institutions, challenges which climaxed in the PCO.
Also joining in for the first time on the streets of Islamabad in this third major democracy restoration movement in our 60-year history — the first being in 1968 and the second in 1983 — are members of civil society as represented by the non- governmental organisations and the newly formed Awami Jamhoori Tehrik (AJT). Prominent among these members of civil society are women of all ages, who have never before been seen in such numbers in pro-democracy demonstrations here.
Meanwhile students from some public and private institutions, who used to figure prominently in agitation movements in the 1940s, 1960s and 1970s until student unions were banned in the 1980s, are staging a comeback of sorts by holding pro-democracy demonstrations. However, what is significant is the participation for the first time of the elite private schools’ O and A level students, who during a protest march here last week were bundled off in police vans and detained briefly.
Glaringly missing in this current democracy restoration agitation, however, is the participation of the traders, workers, peasants and two other major professional groups in the country, the doctors and the engineers. Moreover, with the exception of the PPP, and perhaps the fledgling PTI, agitation by other opposition political parties in general, particularly the MMA, has not matched the fervour of the lawyer and the journalist communities.
Whether this agitation will succeed in re-ushering in and restoring full democracy through the coming general elections remains to be seen. The more crucial question perhaps is: will the general elections be able to bring in a more stable democracy than previous similar milestone elections in 1970 and 1988 had brought in?
Although most western commentators advocate democracy for developing countries like Pakistan, there are some who have been more realistic. In 1988 after Gen Ziaul Haq was killed in an aircraft explosion and elections set for October 1988, a professor of politics at the London School of Economics who had studied Pakistan explained in a British newspaper that to expect the coming elections in Pakistan to re-establish democracy was a triumph of hope over experience. He wrote:
“For such a (civilian constitutional) style of government to be practicable and tolerable, it has to be rooted in attitudes to, and tradition of, governance which are common ground between the rulers and the ruled: the supremacy of law, the accountability of those in power and continuous intercourse with the public from whom they derive their authority; the sturdiness of civil society, and the practical impossibility for any government to ride roughshod for long over its innumerable and multifarious interests and associations. None of this, of course obtains in Pakistan or in the Indian subcontinent from which it was carved. May it not be that a regime of elections, parliaments and responsible governments is unworkable in countries like Pakistan, and that to persist in attempts to set up or restore such a regime must lead to continual tumult in the body politic, and successive interventions by the armed forces?”
This analysis appeared to have been proven correct by our subsequent chequered political scenario in the 1990s. A major reason why democracy failed to sustain in the 1990s was because the losing side was always unwilling to accept the results of an election and instead continued to agitate and oppose, both inside and outside the legislative assemblies, thus leading to continued instability.
Isn’t expecting the coming elections to re-establish democracy or rather establish a workable democracy, yet again another triumph of hope over experience, given the charged atmosphere currently prevailing in the country, the increased intolerance for dissension or disagreement within a restrained and peaceful context, and the blatant use of intimidations like bomb blasts, summary arrests and torture, violence and murder, on top of the imposition of the state of emergency?
Pakistan has capable leaders who are equal to other leaders elsewhere but it is obvious that the above-mentioned civic culture, accepted social contract or cultural preconditions for democracy are painfully missing in our society. Applying these preconditions in our society would necessitate grinding down our differences somewhat first — whether it be differences between and amongst the political/religious parties, the provinces or the institutions of state including the army — and then living together by agreeing to disagree.
Establishing such a workable democracy — Pakistani style — is the key to preventing our country from breeding further autocracy and militancy, and thus from sliding into the kind of intractable internal conflict and chaos that characterize Iraq and Afghanistan and many African countries.
His greatest work Seerat-un-Nabi has immortalised his name amongst those who worked on the life of Prophet Muhammad (Peace be upon him). It is not only an account of the life and personality of Prophet Muhammad (Peace be upon him) but also an encyclopaedia of Islamic teachings and injunctions. Maulana Shibli Naumani began this comprehensive and monumental work but could finish only the first volume. The second volume, about half of which was penned by Shibli, was edited and completed by Sulaiman Nadvi. With aid from Nawab Sultan Jahan Begum of Bhopal and the Nizam of Deccan, the remaining work continued and Syed Sahib, as Sulaiman Nadvi is often reverently called, wrote five more. The seventh volume, planned as the last one, remained incomplete and was published posthumously, comprising about 100 pages with a preface by Maulana Abul Hasan Nadvi.
Seerat un Nabi was translated during its author’s lifetime into Arabic, Persian and Turkish and after his death into a number of other languages, including English.
In 1916, Sulaiman Nadvi published Arz-ul-Quran, or the land of the Quran. It is an archaeological and historical research on the places, peoples and tribes about which the Quran has something to say. Many errors of a historical nature have been corrected after its publication, yet other books written on the topic after Arz-ul-Quran are in fact reproductions of the facts given in the first. Very little has been added to the research Syed Sahib carried out and presented in this book.
In 1925, Syed Sahib was invited by the Muslim Educational Association of South India to Madras (now Chennai), in order to deliver lectures on Seerat. Aimed in particular at removing the misconceptions of a new generation brought up under western education, these lectures were published under the title Khutbat-i-Madras and were later translated into English.
Upon an invitation from Allahabad’s Hindustani Academy in 1929, he delivered lectures on Indo-Arab relations which were later published as Arab-o-Hind Ke Talluqat. In 1930, Syed Sahib gave four lectures on Arab seafarers and their navigational know-how and skills. These lectures were later published as Arbon Ki Jahaz Rani.
He had exceptional command over the Arabic language and compiled the Lughaat-i-Jadeeda, an Arabic-Urdu dictionary comprised of the modern vocabulary used in Arab newspapers and magazines. This was first published in 1912.
About his book Khayyam, Allama Iqbal wrote to Syed Sahib: “Whatever you have written on Khayyam, no eastern or western scholar would be able to add anything to it.” He explained Khayyam’s quatrains in the light of the philosophical essays written by Khayyam himself, and the book shows how orientalists have misinterpreted Omar Khayyam.
His biographies, Seerat-i-Aisha, Hayat-e-Malik and Hayat-i-Shibli guarantee him a place amongst the most accomplished biographers writing in Urdu.
Maulana Shibli’s ablest pupil and his true heir, Syed Sulaiman Nadvi, was born in Desna, Patna district, on November 22, 1884. Educated at Lucknow’s famous institution of oriental studies, Nuadvat-ul-Ulema, Syed Sahib was Shibli’s blue-eyed boy at Nadva. He studied Arabic, Hadith, philosophy, history and theology. In 1907, he was made the sub-editor of An-Nadva, a monthly that published articles on various aspects of oriental literatures and sciences. In 1908, Shibli appointed him as a teacher of modern Arabic and theology at Nadva.
In 1912, Syed Sahib joined Al-Hilal, a weekly published by Maulana Abul Kalam Azad from Calcutta (now Kolkata). But being a scholar to the core, journalism’s lure proved short-lived and he quit Al-Hilal in December 1913 to join in January 1914 the Deccan College, Pune, as an assistant professor. Here, he learnt Hebrew from a Jewish scholar.
Syed Sahib joined Dar-ul-Musannifeen in 1915 from where in July 1916, Muaarif, one of Urdu’s most prestigious scholarly magazines, was launched. Syed Sahib edited it for about three decades and through it brought closer two segments of society: the old-fashioned scholars and the modernists of the new era, thereby creating a forum where both benefited from the other.
He left Dar-ul-Musannifeen in 1946 and accepted the post of Qazi-ul-Quzazat and director of the Jamia at Bhopal, the princely state. After the independence, Syed Sahib faced many hardships. Bhopal was annexed by India and Syed Sahib mentioned in his letters that he was humiliated by petty bureaucrats. He resigned and retired to the peace of his home.
In 1949, it was decided that Pakistan’s constitution be based on Shariah. A board of Ulema was formed and Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan offered the chairmanship of the board to Syed Sahib, who declined the offer. In 1950, he came to Pakistan to see his ailing daughter and had to stay for good.
In Pakistan, he was accorded warmth and was offered different posts. Karachi University elected him a member of its Senate and other scholastic bodies also offered him various assignments. But his health was deteriorating fast and on November 23, 1953, the great scholar bid farewell to this mortal world in Karachi. He was buried in the Islamia College ground, Karachi, alongside the grave of Maulana Shabbir Ahmed Usmani.
To him life was an exciting experience. Born at Kandiaro, Naushehro district, in 1950 in a rural household of modest means, his schooling began in his sleepy home town, on the National Highway. Later, he moved to Hyderabad for further education, doing his Masters from Sindh University. Unlike many young people, he had no dreams. Nevertheless, the lure of showbiz captured his imagination during childhood.
His curiosity took him to Radio Pakistan when he was a student. He landed roles in plays in the presence of such giants as Mustafa Qureshi, Mohammad Bakhsh Ansari, Ahmad Abdul Qayyum, Mushtaq Mughal, Zarina Baloch and Karim Baloch. However, as he had set his sights on the mini-screen, he decided to make Karachi his home.
His first foray into television made no impression. A dejected Shafi then decided to move to Lahore. Here Mohammad Ali helped him in whatever way he could. But before he could find a place in PTV, he got an offer from the film industry. He lapped it up.
Almost simultaneously, he also got a chance to work in Ashfaq Ahmad’s play, Ek haqiqat sau afsaney. His endearing performance now opened all doors to him.
He came back to Karachi as he thought the city offered brighter prospects. He was right. The 1980 play, Teesra kinara, brought out the best in Shafi Mohammad. Overnight he turned into a big star.
Soon he found himself besieged with offers of lead roles. He did justice to all his roles - both from town and village lives. It was not long before he became the busiest actor in the country.
His work was a great learning experience and he was generous enough to pass on his experience to colleagues. His best serials and long plays included Urrta insaan, Jungle, Chaand girhan, Ghulam, Aanch, Sukhan, Noori, Duhri, Sheeshe ka mahal, Masori, Saltnat, Daire, Band gulab, Muhabat khwab ki surat, Deevaarein, Nasl.
Shafi Mohammad worked in almost 500 plays and serials. He also starred in four films, while the fifth film was under production at the time of his death.
Besides his acting skills, he was amply helped by his physique and the manner of speech. Producers appreciated his habit of going through the script before accepting the role he was offered.
He always preferred to portray the positive side of life and most plays took care of this. His role in Aanch, for instance, as head of an urban family who prizes harmony, trust and love above everything, captured hearts and minds.
Viewers recall with nostalgia his portrayal of a bandit in the play, Jungle. His familiarity with rural life helped give a natural touch to the role. Chaand girhan was no different.
The four films in which he worked were: Biwi ho to aisi, Talash, Ruby and Aisa bhi hota hai. The film under production was Tum se piyar.
Shafi Mohammad received a number of awards, including the PTV award and the President’s Pride of Performance.
He tried his luck in an altogether different field in 2002, unsuccessfully running for a National Assembly seat.
In his private life, he was a thorough gentleman. He always greeted people with a smiling face and was always willing to help them out.
He was a dedicated performer, a good learner and an excellent guide to the uninitiated. He was a legend in all respects.