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DINA
DAWN - the Internet Edition


November 15, 2007 Thursday Ziqa’ad 04, 1428


Editorial


Lift the emergency
Ban on channels continues
Landmine concerns
The real dimension of inflation
OTHER VOICES - Pushto Press



Lift the emergency


THE country is passing through one of the most critical phases of its post-1971 history. President Pervez Musharraf’s own remarks to an American television channel on Tuesday testify to his awareness of the danger facing Pakistan. But besides saying that the country was more important than democracy, the president did not come up with a definite plan to stop what looks like a speedy slide into anarchy. The nation — with the world behind it — is now united on two points: the president must shed his uniform and the emergency be lifted. For the first, the president is looking to the judiciary. The pre-Nov 3 judiciary had made no judgment on the dual office issue. It had rejected as non-maintainable on technical grounds the petitions challenging Gen Musharraf’s right to take part in the presidential election. In the other case, the Supreme Court had refused to stay the election but ruled that the results of the presidential election not be notified. The situation today stands exactly where it did on Oct 5 when the SC pronounced its judgment. The reconstituted SC will now hear the case all over again, and we do not know when a final verdict on the notification or otherwise of the presidential election will come. Thus, while the uniform issue is linked to a court decision, the question of lifting the state of emergency is independent of the judiciary and can be decided upon by the president himself. That is where he should rescue himself and the nation.

Outside the confines of his Camp Office, the situation is ‘evolving by the hour’, to quote the White House Press Secretary. The militants in Swat are as strong — if not stronger — as before Nov 3, they have taken one more district headquarters town, and it remains to be seen whether the induction of the army will make a difference to the situation. It is Lal Masjid all over again, except on a much wider scale. Whether the authorities will rely only on force or whether they think a negotiated solution can be found are issues on which an inkling of the president’s mind is not available.

On the political front, Benazir Bhutto seems to be getting aware of the consequences of the much talked about ‘deal’ and is making calculated efforts to prove that she is on her own. What is more, some of her implacable foes, including Mian Nawaz Sharif and Qazi Hussain Ahmad, seem to be responding positively to her overtures. Baton charges and tear gassing which millions the world over have watched on the mini-screen show that the announcement about the elections being held ‘before January 9’ has not served to subdue the nation’s anger. The president must now be intelligent enough to grasp the people’s mood and the message inherent in the political workers’ defiance of the state’s coercive apparatus: this nation will not go to the polls under a state of emergency. To arrest the deteriorating situation, the president must categorically pledge to lift the emergency before the people cast their votes. An indefinite continuation of emergency rule will have serious consequences both for the regime and for the country.

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Ban on channels continues


GENERAL Musharraf’s government shredded whatever goodwill it had earned for liberalising media policies when it shut down independent news channels, including the foreign ones, who enjoyed a brief come-back for a few hours before having the plug yanked on them again. The continual ban on TV channels has done no one any good, including the government whose credibility has not increased. If anything the ban contributes to the erosion of Pakistan’s image worldwide, especially when authorities says that only those channels that agree to comply with the changes in the Pemra Ordinance can go on air. Some may see this as blackmail. The problem with the new Pemra rules is that anything can be deemed objectionable and the punishments are severe. To make things worse the state minister of information said on Monday that the ban on foreign channels was done because they showed subjects like gay marriages which are against norms of Pakistani society. Once again, the issue of what is appropriate or vulgar, much like the issue of what constitutes national interest, is up for debate. As it should be but it must be a two-sided debate. The need for a national consensus on this issue can not be denied. The media, both print and electronic, adhere to their own code of ethics and do not need to be reminded of their jobs, which is to report on events in an objective manner. A blanket ban on them only widens the gulf of mistrust and can lead to a potentially ugly confrontation.

The government is still trying to browbeat media groups into conforming to the new rules set by Pemra if they want to get back on the airwaves. These are unfair tactics aimed at causing fissures within the media groups which are so far standing united. One must commend the entire media community for standing up to draconian measures being forced upon them. Can the government afford such a hostile stand-off with the media? It must review its decision and put back on air all channels. A code of ethics devised by various channels was handed over to the government for review a few months ago and that issue can be taken up once the channels are back on air.

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Landmine concerns


DESPITE its assurances to the international community that it is neither exporting nor laying landmines in the country, Pakistan continues to have a reserve of an estimated six million of these devices. This is the fifth largest figure anywhere in the world. Pakistan also happens to be among the remaining few countries that still make antipersonnel mines. However, it has withheld information that could give a more definitive view of its current mine policy or future plans. According to the latest Landmine Monitor report, the Pakistan government did not report the progress made on de-mining in 2006 or the actual number of mines in its possession. It is true that a large number of unexploded mines strewn in the northern tribal areas date to the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and are Russian-made. However, Pakistan’s reluctance to part with information has made it difficult to verify the checks that keep the mines that it manufactures from falling into the wrong hands. There are a number of non-state actors who use mines to kill and maim, and these range from anti-government elements to families and tribes out to settle personal scores.

Although it is not a signatory to the international Mine Ban Treaty of 1997, there is a moral responsibility on Pakistan to give a true picture of its reserves and what success it has achieved in de-mining areas often accessed by civilians. In 2006, there was a sharp increase in the number of landmine casualties — from 214 in 2005 to almost 500. Apart from military personnel, who have greater access to rehabilitation facilities than ordinary civilians, the victims also included many women and children. Rehabilitation services, especially for the bulk of the victims in the tribal areas, are poor, and prosthetics beyond the reach of poor families. Educating people about mines in areas that are infested with them has also been a half-hearted exercise, with even the once active NGOs in Fata no longer focusing on mine risks. It is this situation that warrants a clearer policy on landmines, an explanation of Pakistan’s intentions regarding its stockpile, and greater efforts by the government to remove unexploded devices.

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The real dimension of inflation


By Sultan Ahmed

THIS newspaper published last week a study of the prices of essential goods during the last eight years. It showed the prices have risen three times in this period during which the rupee went down from 38 to a dollar to 61.

If the strength of the rupee is to be taken as a reflection of the strength of the economy, then this has happened at a time when the dollar has been falling steadily against the stronger currencies and has now touched the lowest ever against the Euro.

Not all prices have risen uniformly. Prices of some commodities such as Atta and sugar have recorded a lower rise because of the periodic official interference in the market and have registered a total price rise of 58 per cent in this period while the furnace oil has recorded a rise of 517 percent, vegetable ghee by 167 per cent and Basmati rice by 167 per cent, red chilies by 259 per cent.

Experience shows that prices do not rise in Pakistan, they simply leap up and up and make the consumers giddy.

All kinds of malpractices are rampant in the market. These include hoarding, profiteering , monopolies and cartel making. Everything except real competition, which is the essence of a free market, can be seen in the local trade.

All these practices promote adulteration of food stuff and medicines, even life saving drugs, are not spared.

We have all these evils in spite of the fact that a monopolies commission has been functioning for several decades but has done nothing to stop malpractices.

Now the monopolies commission is being converted into a competition promotion commission but it is groping in the dark as the official attitude is not conducive to fighting monopolies.

For all this we have consumer protection laws, consumer councils and other legal instruments meant to protect the consumer and they become vociferous during Ramadan when prices hit the roof.

We have on the other side the chamber of commerce and its apex body, the Federation, and various trade bodies like the All Pakistan Textile Mills Association, but they are there not so much to promote the industry but to protect and promote the industrialists themselves and they act as cartels in the industry.

It is easy for them to unite against consumers as a few communities in the country dominate these chambers and they are far from being democratic bodies.

Now some of the businessmen have become ministers and actively promote their business interests.

There is no dearth of laws in the statute book to protect the consumers. But like other good laws in the book they are not applied for the protection of the consumers and promotion of the interests of the have-nots.

As a result, the eight year average inflation is shown as about six per cent. It represents the accumulated inflation of 20 to 30 years and it is not reflected in the 300 per cent rise in prices in eight years of strong-arm rule. Hence, there is the gap between the official statistics and the reality as shown in the 300 per cent rise in prices in eight years.

The consumer looks at prices in terms of rupees and makes comparisons in rupees with the previous prices and finds the difference between the statistical presumption of the inflation and the reality as really chilly. We have several kinds of inflation.

We have the indigenous inflation caused by the constant rise in support prices of agricultural commodities beginning with wheat.

Now the wheat support price is to be raised to Rs500 for 40 kilograms although the farmers clamour for international prices which are higher.

This would give rise to higher wheat and Atta prices in Pakistan. We have the imported inflation particularly through the import of oil and edible oil as the prices of Malaysian palm oil have been going up and we have the inflation aggravated by continued devaluation of the rupee which now stands at

Rs61 for a dollar instead of Rs38 which was eight years ago.

Newspaper headlines talk of rise in price of sugar and other essential commodities and the fact is that the Pakistani consumer is losing because of the devaluation of the rupee in spite of the greater devaluation of the dollar.

Beef prices have been shooting up because of short supply. Chicken is not in short supply but the price is rising constantly and restaurants and hotels are raising their meal prices frequently.

Egg prices are rising, they are already Rs55 for a dozen.

As winter sets in and consumption rises, the prices will rise further.

Pakistan has signed a Free Trade Area Agreement with Malaysia which is a welcome measure. It is the first comprehensive FTA agreement between Pakistan and a South-East Asian country but the issue is whether the government will let the benefit pass on to the people and the businessmen will play fair.

With oil touching hundred dollars a barrel, power will cost far more now and gas prices will rise. That will also raise the cost of going to work and returning home.

Education is coming to cost more and more for the poor who want to avoid the government schools. Private schools are really raising their fees and other charges even for the low income groups.

Medical treatment is coming to cost more and more while the doctors’ bills are rising. The cost of medicine is also soaring. Although several industrialists including sugar mill and textile mill owners are in the cabinet, they have little concern for the very poor.

The average Indian is better off as he has to pay forty rupees for a dollar worth of goods, while Pakistanis have to pay sixty one and yet there is a clamour among the exporters to devalue the rupee — a demand supported by the Commerce minister Humayun Akhtar.

As the exports are slipping down and the July–October exports have recorded a widening of the deficit to $5.578 billion, it is for Pakistanis as a whole to protect the rupee and strengthen it at a time of ever-weakening dollar.

The rupee should be the index of the strength of Pakistan’s economy instead of being allowed to go down and get us into greater trouble.

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OTHER VOICES - Pushto Press


Intellectual awareness

There is little to deny the fact that Afghanistan is home to devout Muslims who never compromise on their religion and core national interests. One example of their unquestionable religious zeal and patriotism is the jihad against Soviet invaders. To liberate their motherland, the Afghans readily laid down their lives, sacrificed their children, wealth and everything else they had. Refusing to capitulate, their outstanding courage and steely willpower in battling the Red Army stunned the world. Despite three decades of conflict, their hearts are brimming with pure love for their faith and land; they are resolved to defend Afghanistan and Islam even in the most unfavourable circumstances.

It was under the banner of Islam that Taliban launched their movement and have been pressing on with resistance in the name of religion since the ouster of their regime. How their brand of politics is beneficial or detrimental to the nation is an altogether different question. Without looking at the objectives behind the US military presence, the Afghans… earnestly desire that the nation decide its own future… A large number of them, believing that Taliban actions are in sync with Islam, are supportive of them on religious grounds. Suicide bombers are the best proof, if any is needed, of this.

Pakistani authorities, pointing to the stark reality, are not committing such a serious sin as should occasion objections from Afghanistan or the UN. They should block the routes being used by Kabul’s foes… rather than revile Islamabad. With support from the UN, the Afghan government ought to initiate an awareness drive to convince the people that peace ... guarantees a better future for the country. Outsiders will not be able to exploit an intellectually aware nation to achieve their nefarious designs. (Nov 11)

Effective but selective

President Musharraf, nine days after proclaiming emergency rule… announced that the elections would be held within a month. A caretaker dispensation would be installed following the dissolution of Parliament on Nov 15 and provincial legislatures on Nov 20… Seen against the backdrop of the emergency, his vow to organise same-day polls in the first week of January suggests the general has backed down from his stance.

Knowledgeable quarters assert that the president originally wanted to defer the polls for at least a year but a hostile reaction from the West, particularly the US and the European Union, dragooned him into a change of heart. A day after holding the Constitution in abeyance, he asked the West to give him more time for a return to civilian rule but the world refused to play ball with him. There may be several good reasons for the refusal, but the foremost was an unequivocal aversion to Pakistani political forces and the masses.

On the surface, the West’s response is rooted in fears that the quarters it banks on will not be able to reign in the incipient chaos if the state of emergency imposed by Musharraf, who has lost his popularity with the Pakistanis, stays in place for a long time. Given their robust clout, the US and other European nations can also banish the twin perils of terror and drugs from the region if they take sincere measures with a similar sense of urgency … The Afghans are well within their rights to ask why the US is not extending enough support to their country to stand on its own feet… and it has been confined to mud houses. (Nov 22)

––Selected & translated by S. Mudassir Ali Shah

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