How Europe sees the emergency
By Shadaba Islam
PATIENCE with General Pervez Musharraf’s military rule is rapidly running out in European Union capitals, severely damaging the embattled president’s carefully built reputation as the leading star of the US-led ‘war on terror’ — and the only true democrat in Pakistan.
Much of the world focus has inevitably been on the headline-grabbing recent phone calls between President George W. Bush and Musharraf and the beleaguered general’s equally important conversation with US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice.
However, the hard-working spin doctors in Islamabad would be wise to pay more attention to the persistent calls for the restoration of democracy being made by the 27-member European Union — as well as the rising chorus of protest by European parliamentarians, human rights organisations and journalists against Musharraf’s misrule.
True, Europe with its ‘soft power’ credentials of seeking to prevent and resolve conflicts through diplomacy, trade and aid may not strike the same fear in the hearts of Pakistan’s tough-talking military elite and its civilian supporters as instructions given by President Bush and other wielders of American ‘hard power’.
Ignoring Europe would be a bad political strategy, however. Apart from its rising global clout, the EU is not only Pakistan’s largest trading partner — receiving almost 30 per cent of the country’s exports worth $3.5bn a year — but also a major donor of financial assistance to the country.
EU policymakers are reluctant — so far — to consider any suspension of their 50m euros a year aid programme for Pakistan which focuses on education, health and projects for improving the status of women. They argue that any such aid cut-off would only hurt the people, not the government. But there could be a review of a portion of this sum which is sent as direct budgetary assistance to the authorities. Trade preferences granted to Pakistan because of its role in the struggle against terrorism could also come under review.Individual European governments, however, are unlikely to be as circumspect. With the politically active Pakistani expatriate community in Britain demanding strong and swift action against Musharraf, British Foreign Secretary David Miliband has warned that government aid to Pakistan — currently scheduled to total £480m over the next three years — will be discussed. The Dutch government has already announced it is suspending $22m in financial aid to Pakistan.
Significantly, EU governments have been quicker off the mark than the US in making key demands on Musharraf. Since the start of emergency rule last week, European envoys in Islamabad and EU policymakers such as foreign policy chief Javier Solana in Brussels have repeatedly asked the general to discard his uniform by Nov 15, hold elections on schedule and ensure the polls are free and fair.
Europeans have also demanded the immediate release of detained political leaders, lawyers, journalists, human rights defenders and representatives of civil society. Rejecting the state of emergency imposed by Musharraf, the EU has also said repeatedly it wants an end to curbs on the media. In past statements, the EU has stressed that former prime minister Nawaz Sharif should be allowed back into Pakistan and allowed to take part in elections.
Behind the strong public statements, is even stronger EU dismay and alarm at Musharraf’s clampdown on democracy.
While many EU governments and policymakers have so far followed the US lead by accepting Musharraf as a self-styled hero in the ‘war on terror’, few in Europe like dealing with presidents in uniform.
Military coups in Africa are invariably followed by a suspension of EU aid and a drastic drawdown in ties with the country in question. Only this week, the European Commission once again rebuked Turkey’s military for seeking a stronger say in political life. The EU report on Turkey also focused on the need for press freedom and a strong judiciary.
Spreading the rule of law and transparent government is also a key element of the EU’s so-called neighbourhood policy which is designed to promote democracy and economic reform in countries like Ukraine, Georgia and many North African nations.
Small wonder then, that unlike US officials, who have no qualms about dealing with Musharraf, EU leaders have always been a tad embarrassed about being too warm and complimentary towards the general. (In deference to such sensitivities, Musharraf’s publishers made sure that the cover of the European edition of his book In the Line of Fire showed the general in a suit. In the American version he was seen saluting, in a uniform).
Frustration with Pakistan’s role in the continuing insurgency in Afghanistan, where several European nations have deployed troops through Nato, as well as Musharraf’s failure to curb local religious extremists have further hardened European attitudes towards both the general and the Pakistani army.
The dominant view in Brussels and other EU capitals is therefore that this time around, Musharraf has overplayed his hand. This is especially the case since the state of emergency is clearly seen for what it is: a grab for power by the general and a crackdown on democracy and democrats.
European policymakers and commentators have little time for the government’s argument that the state of emergency is needed to prevent the destabilisation of Pakistan. Their view is that only a democratic government can ensure stability, fight extremism and ensure Pakistan’s development. The now moribund power-sharing deal between former premier Benazir Bhutto and Musharraf — while not particularly liked — was seen as one way of ensuring such stability.
There is also consternation at the strong-hand tactics deployed by the government against lawyers, journalists and human rights activists, the very people, an EU diplomat underlined, that Musharraf needs to ensure a successful policy of ‘enlightened moderation’. Keeping up the pressure on Pakistan, ‘No Peace Without Justice’ — an organisation campaigning for the establishment of an effective international criminal justice system — has strongly condemned the attempted destruction of the rule of law in Pakistan while the influential International Crisis Group has also called for the immediate release of its board member, Asma Jahangir, and the restoration of the country’s constitutional order.
Musharraf and his spin doctors may manage to win over critics in Washington by announcing a new election date, abandoning the uniform and doing a deal with Bhutto. But here in Europe, the hero of the ‘war on terror’ is looking more and more like the villain of the piece.
The writer is Dawn’s correspondent based in Brussels.

