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DAWN - the Internet Edition


November 10, 2007 Saturday Shawwal 28, 1428


Editorial


Rethinking in Washington
Media clampdown
Recycling Rawalpindi’s waste
How Europe sees the emergency
OTHER VOICES - Bangladesh Press



Rethinking in Washington


THE influential chairman of the US Senate’s foreign relations committee, Senator Joseph Biden, has joined the State Department and the White House in focusing attention on post-emergency rule events in Pakistan. The senator has spoken eloquently on the need for the US to strengthen democracy in a country where, with the benefit of hindsight, an increasing number of Pakistanis see the US with scepticism and suspicion. He has recommended up to $1.5bn per annum over a decade in additional aid to Islamabad aimed at developing the social sector. The resolve to make these allocations accountable so that funds are not diverted to military use comes built into the proposed formula.

Senator Biden believes that his proposals will help eschew the negative image in the public mind of a US seen eager to do business with autocratic rulers in the past, and thereby showing disregard for democratic aspirations of a vast majority of moderate Pakistanis. Here is a Muslim state armed with nuclear weapons where extremism of the Taliban-Al Qaeda variety is growing, and which is being run by an unpopular, if liberal, ruling clique that oscillates between autocratic and quasi-democratic rule: the recipe, in the senator’s words, for a ‘failed state’. To avoid that fate, Mr Biden has pressed on the US administration the need to have a proactive people-centred policy, as opposed to a policy ‘concentrated on one man’. He also hit the nail on the head when he termed his country’s Islamabad policy as ‘transactional’, whereby Pakistan is paid for delivering certain ‘services’ when so required. He recommended that the US opt for a longer-term engagement with Islamabad.

The belated realisation finally coming home to the Americans, nonetheless, is welcome. But words will have to be matched with action on the ground. The unfolding events in Pakistan since the imposition of emergency rule, the crackdown on civil society and political parties having a mass appeal, the strangulation of an independent judiciary and media, all are factors that will put the reviewed American resolve to test with the people of this country. Since 9/11 there has been little scarcity felt of the funds coming to Pakistan because of the ‘transactional’ nature of the US policy on its global ‘war on terrorism’ and the fulfilment of its objectives through Pakistan. What the country needs is institutional infrastructure with a capacity to spend such funds to the benefit of the people, and with some accountability. Also needed is a strong political will in the rulers in Islamabad to improve the social sectors. This has been lacking because of the autocratic nature of governance which many believe owes its perpetuation to American acquiescence. Unless practical steps are taken to implement its reformed policy prerogatives and results are seen to be delivering by the people of Pakistan, Washington’s Islamabad dilemma will continue.

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Media clampdown


HOW far the government is willing to go to deny people the right to information was made visible on Wednesday when shops selling satellite dishes were targeted by the police and forced to shut down. In Karachi electronics dealers complained that despite the fact that they possessed all the necessary documents needed to sell such equipment, the police cited the Customs Act for closing shops down, saying dealers did not have the clearance to sell the items. A similar report was filed from Lahore. In what can only be described as a hostile move, cable operators in Azad Kashmir, which does not come under the jurisdiction of Pakistan’s laws, were also asked to shut down all news channels. Anyone can see that these are mere intimidation tactics aimed at squashing any form of dissent. It is no wonder that a prominent human rights activist likened Pakistan to Myanmar where fundamental rights do not exist.

Similar sentiments are being expressed ostensibly because of the continued blackout of major independent TV news channels — they had not come on air at the time of writing. While international news channels like BBC and CNN can use their clout to get themselves back on air, it is not clear what criteria have been used to allow some local news channels to return to the airwaves since Wednesday, while others were still under ban. Did they agree to the government’s demand that they comply with the Pemra rules, amended soon after the emergency was imposed? If the government’s strategy is to muzzle the media by keeping the pressure on and make their businesses suffer it belies its oft proclaimed commitment to freedom of the media and the people’s right to information. It is important that there is no compromise on editorial integrity for that would sound the death knell for freedom of speech and expression, a vital component of democracy. Both the print and electronic media are aware of their responsibility to provide objective reports and they must be allowed to do their jobs in an impartial and risk-free environment. For this reason alone, the government should withdraw the curbs on the media and restore the broadcast of all channels. It is unjust to deny people the right to information. It is also unfair for cable operators and satellite dish owners who have businesses to run and are being adversely affected by the government’s decisions, for no fault of their own.

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Recycling Rawalpindi’s waste


THERE are many reasons why recycling as a method of urban waste disposal is an environmental imperative for any modern city. Apart from helping to preserve natural resources by lessening the need to extract new materials, recycling is also proving to be a new source of fuel — such as methane or natural gas. Besides, recycling is also a healthy method of waste disposal since it does not become a new source of pollution such as landfills and incineration can if not carefully managed. So it is heartening to learn that the City District Government, Rawalpindi is pursuing a recycling project which is aimed not only at ridding the city of tons of hazardous garbage daily but also recycling it at a waste disposal plant for reuse as a fuel. As in other cities in Pakistan, there is in Rawalpindi already an existing network of individual operators dealing in the collection, purchase, separation, restoration, resale and recycling of waste. But this network is largely unprofessional and inefficient. The result is that the city’s mounting mound of2 waste from household, commercial, construction and industrial concerns is not being effectively managed and disposed off. Small wonder it creates so much pollution in Rawalpindi. Also worrying is the fact that the waste is not being efficiently reprocessed into new products; the recent cases of explosion accidents in the city caused apparently by low quality gas cylinders are examples of this.

For the recycling project to be a sanitation revolution in Rawalpindi requires that it form part of a comprehensive system of garbage collection, sorting and separation, and disposal and recycling. This involves getting households and businesses to learn to separate dry waste from wet waste, setting up twin rubbish bins for disposing inorganic and organic materials throughout the2 city especially along Nullah Leh, lifting garbage from the streets of the city with motorcycle rickshaws and dumpers, and setting up garbage collection points at different union councils for onward lifting and disposal. Needless to say, success of the project depends a great deal on the cooperation of the general public and awareness about the benefits of recycling their city’s trash.

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How Europe sees the emergency


By Shadaba Islam

PATIENCE with General Pervez Musharraf’s military rule is rapidly running out in European Union capitals, severely damaging the embattled president’s carefully built reputation as the leading star of the US-led ‘war on terror’ — and the only true democrat in Pakistan.

Much of the world focus has inevitably been on the headline-grabbing recent phone calls between President George W. Bush and Musharraf and the beleaguered general’s equally important conversation with US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice.

However, the hard-working spin doctors in Islamabad would be wise to pay more attention to the persistent calls for the restoration of democracy being made by the 27-member European Union — as well as the rising chorus of protest by European parliamentarians, human rights organisations and journalists against Musharraf’s misrule.

True, Europe with its ‘soft power’ credentials of seeking to prevent and resolve conflicts through diplomacy, trade and aid may not strike the same fear in the hearts of Pakistan’s tough-talking military elite and its civilian supporters as instructions given by President Bush and other wielders of American ‘hard power’.

Ignoring Europe would be a bad political strategy, however. Apart from its rising global clout, the EU is not only Pakistan’s largest trading partner — receiving almost 30 per cent of the country’s exports worth $3.5bn a year — but also a major donor of financial assistance to the country.

EU policymakers are reluctant — so far — to consider any suspension of their 50m euros a year aid programme for Pakistan which focuses on education, health and projects for improving the status of women. They argue that any such aid cut-off would only hurt the people, not the government. But there could be a review of a portion of this sum which is sent as direct budgetary assistance to the authorities. Trade preferences granted to Pakistan because of its role in the struggle against terrorism could also come under review.Individual European governments, however, are unlikely to be as circumspect. With the politically active Pakistani expatriate community in Britain demanding strong and swift action against Musharraf, British Foreign Secretary David Miliband has warned that government aid to Pakistan — currently scheduled to total £480m over the next three years — will be discussed. The Dutch government has already announced it is suspending $22m in financial aid to Pakistan.

Significantly, EU governments have been quicker off the mark than the US in making key demands on Musharraf. Since the start of emergency rule last week, European envoys in Islamabad and EU policymakers such as foreign policy chief Javier Solana in Brussels have repeatedly asked the general to discard his uniform by Nov 15, hold elections on schedule and ensure the polls are free and fair.

Europeans have also demanded the immediate release of detained political leaders, lawyers, journalists, human rights defenders and representatives of civil society. Rejecting the state of emergency imposed by Musharraf, the EU has also said repeatedly it wants an end to curbs on the media. In past statements, the EU has stressed that former prime minister Nawaz Sharif should be allowed back into Pakistan and allowed to take part in elections.

Behind the strong public statements, is even stronger EU dismay and alarm at Musharraf’s clampdown on democracy.

While many EU governments and policymakers have so far followed the US lead by accepting Musharraf as a self-styled hero in the ‘war on terror’, few in Europe like dealing with presidents in uniform.

Military coups in Africa are invariably followed by a suspension of EU aid and a drastic drawdown in ties with the country in question. Only this week, the European Commission once again rebuked Turkey’s military for seeking a stronger say in political life. The EU report on Turkey also focused on the need for press freedom and a strong judiciary.

Spreading the rule of law and transparent government is also a key element of the EU’s so-called neighbourhood policy which is designed to promote democracy and economic reform in countries like Ukraine, Georgia and many North African nations.

Small wonder then, that unlike US officials, who have no qualms about dealing with Musharraf, EU leaders have always been a tad embarrassed about being too warm and complimentary towards the general. (In deference to such sensitivities, Musharraf’s publishers made sure that the cover of the European edition of his book In the Line of Fire showed the general in a suit. In the American version he was seen saluting, in a uniform).

Frustration with Pakistan’s role in the continuing insurgency in Afghanistan, where several European nations have deployed troops through Nato, as well as Musharraf’s failure to curb local religious extremists have further hardened European attitudes towards both the general and the Pakistani army.

The dominant view in Brussels and other EU capitals is therefore that this time around, Musharraf has overplayed his hand. This is especially the case since the state of emergency is clearly seen for what it is: a grab for power by the general and a crackdown on democracy and democrats.

European policymakers and commentators have little time for the government’s argument that the state of emergency is needed to prevent the destabilisation of Pakistan. Their view is that only a democratic government can ensure stability, fight extremism and ensure Pakistan’s development. The now moribund power-sharing deal between former premier Benazir Bhutto and Musharraf — while not particularly liked — was seen as one way of ensuring such stability.

There is also consternation at the strong-hand tactics deployed by the government against lawyers, journalists and human rights activists, the very people, an EU diplomat underlined, that Musharraf needs to ensure a successful policy of ‘enlightened moderation’. Keeping up the pressure on Pakistan, ‘No Peace Without Justice’ — an organisation campaigning for the establishment of an effective international criminal justice system — has strongly condemned the attempted destruction of the rule of law in Pakistan while the influential International Crisis Group has also called for the immediate release of its board member, Asma Jahangir, and the restoration of the country’s constitutional order.

Musharraf and his spin doctors may manage to win over critics in Washington by announcing a new election date, abandoning the uniform and doing a deal with Bhutto. But here in Europe, the hero of the ‘war on terror’ is looking more and more like the villain of the piece.

The writer is Dawn’s correspondent based in Brussels.

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OTHER VOICES - Bangladesh Press


A troubled Pakistan

PRESIDENT Pervez Musharraf pushed Pakistan into a new crisis by imposing a state of emergency last Saturday in his new game plan. The military ruler’s move did not go unchallenged. Lawyers from Karachi to Peshawar staged a string of demonstrations, defying the emergency rule. Police arrested thousands of people—mostly tied to the opposition, and teargassed and beat lawyers.

Musharraf blamed the state of emergency on an unruly judiciary and—largely on the rise in Islamic militancy. He designed rhetoric to win support from the world, mainly from his allies. But he did not realise that he had hurt the image of his country instead—by suspending the constitution and sacking the Chief Justice.

In the build-up to the emergency rule, the president was hurtling toward an uncertain political future, plagued by growing sectarian strife and—obviously, by rising Islamic militancy. A desperate Musharraf struggled to realign the political situation for his own benefit.

To put the country back in order, Musharraf must give up his military garb and lift the emergency rule without delay.

The president should, we suggest, form a caretaker or interim government to guide the country through elections.

Elections will ensure people’s political right in line with the constitution. Without democracy, neither Pakistan nor Musharraf will be saved from further trouble. — (Nov 8)

Army weighs in, again

GENERAL Pervez Musharraf is riding on the back of a tiger and does not know how to get down. It appears the tiger knows him very well by now. Musharraf blocked the road to democracy by imposing the state of emergency—probably a strategy to carve out an exit route. He tried several plans—neither of them worked out. Finally, he struck a deal with opposition leader Benazir Bhutto. But the deal fell apart.

For the state of emergency, he reasoned out that all he had achieved during his rule of nine years were at risk. He was fully aware of the fact that foreign countries, especially the West, would not endorse the latest move.

Condemnations poured in. All came to know that Musharraf put his country and people at stake. The president is to blame for the rise in Islamic militancy as he apparently failed to govern the country very effectively.

He joined forces with the US to crack down on the Taleban in Afghanistan. The alliance backfired. The Taleban forces are now hell-bent on destroying his country and any attempt to restore democratic rule.

We suggest that people combine forces and work together to retrieve Pakistan from the mess Musharraf created. Things are not easy as they seem they are. Musharraf will continue to silence the dissent voice as expected. Pakistan is a lesson for any developing country, riven by a political crisis.

The country relapsed into the hands of the army, into “martial law” in what many called Musharraf’s second coup. — (Nov 5)

––Selected and translated by Arun Devnath

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