Changa Manga & other political resorts
By Asha’ar Rehman
PUNJAB Chief Minister Pervaiz Elahi last Wednesday took his campaign against a corrupt ruling couple of the past to the town of Changa Manga which takes its name from two 18th century bandits, Changa and Manga. The honour the people in the area have bestowed on the two outlaws by choosing to call the place after them is reflective of popular perceptions that exist over and above moralistic notions.
This makes it incumbent on the rivals of the Pakistan People’s Party — whose leaders, says the Punjab chief minister, are drawn back to the country by the scent of money — to augment their anti-PPP corruption drive with other charges that appeal to the public.
Chaudhry Pervaiz Elahi’s emphasis is on painting his rivals as corrupt. He has, however, occasionally chosen to remind the believers that while his Muslim League had created Pakistan, it was the PPP which broke it. Of late, à la Sindh Chief Minister Arbab Ghulam Rahim, his counterpart in Punjab has condemned Ms Bhutto as being a bad omen that has brought death and destruction to the country. This is not a new slogan, only its efficacy is drastically reduced this time round because its chanters are somewhat prevented by circumstances from directly equating the evil with a woman — the woman.
The PPP has fought and won elections since it was branded as evil and since it committed all these great follies that Chaudhry Pervaiz is listing now, rally after rally. He is trying to cash in on Ms Bhutto’s virtual house arrest in Karachi after the big bang that greeted her on arrival on Oct 18. The Punjab chief minister appears determined to use the space gained from Ms Bhutto’s forced delay in reaching out to Punjab to shore up his own support in the province.
His backers would say that the chief minister’s anti-PPP cause has been helped by the homecoming gift that he has received from Ms Bhutto. His name has been mentioned among the three — or four — personalities who had ‘motives’ for scuttling the PPP leader’s democratic caravan. In purely political terms, such identification provides a real boost to a sworn PPP enemy in a Punjab that is as divided as it has been in recent years.
The PPP, of course, has named names to whip up anti-PML feeling in Punjab. It realises that the path to power goes through the biggest province of the country and unless it can woo Punjab, its chances of taking power at the centre will be slim. Yet, while its challenge to the PML-Q in the run-up to the polls may make sense, the PPP has to be faulted for depending too heavily on its understanding with President Pervez Musharraf and the foreign players to see it through.
Speaking from past experience where the party’s government was undermined by ever-prowling spies, it has pointed an accusing finger at the intelligence agencies as well as remnants of the Zia era. But the party’s contact with the people of Punjab is so far on hold and at least on that count the Karachi blasts have gone against it. They have created fear and uncertainty and stalled the PPP’s advance following the huge reception for Ms Bhutto on Oct 18.
The situation has also stirred the anti-PPP camp into action with the often vapid statements churned out by the likes of Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain and Sheikh Rashid Ahmed giving way to rancour. Given the unanimity of the ‘condemn-Bhutto’ chorus emanating from various political camps, an anti-PPP alliance on the model of the Islami Jamhoori Ittehad of 1990 is not being ruled out.
It is a tough task, duplicating 1990 now. The same factor that inhibits the PML-Q leadership’s search for fresh muck to malign the PPP with makes it difficult for aspiring alliance makers to come together today. Both the PPP and PML-Q are in effect management firms competing with each other for an implementing contract. The policy decision remains Gen Musharraf’s. This will also explain why the PPP is so keen on labelling the current implementers as Zia’s legacy. The PPP hopes that the distinction will bring it closer to Zia’s enlightened successor.
The PML-Q leadership has anticipated the move rather well. Already, it has broached an alliance with Maulana Fazlur Rehman and his Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam. There have been suggestions in the media that Maulana Fazl, who has in recent days drawn flak from his allies in the All Pakistan Democratic Movement on charges of facilitating the presidential election earlier this month, could be drafted into a coalition with PML-Q after the general election. That would be extremely interesting, given, among other things the PML-Q’s aversion to having strong allies throughout the Musharraf period.
The Muttahida Qaumi Movement happens to be the PML-Q’s strongest partner in the Musharraf coalition. The wrangling between the ‘liberal’ MQM and the more ‘conservative’ PML-Q has received plenty of publicity. Only last year, in late July and early August, the MQM threatened, not for the first time, to quit the government. The Karachi-based party was unhappy with Chaudhry Shujaat’s decision to negotiate with the ulema who had objected to the Women’s Protection Act.
More recently, while the MQM’s handling of the scheduled May 12 visit to Karachi by the Chief Justice elicited a show of solidarity from the presidency, hopes of a similar display of camaraderie from the PML-Q failed to materialise.
Overall, Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain and Chaudhry Pervaiz Elahi have managed affairs well to their own benefit. They have successfully subdued all pretenders from their home province of Punjab, from Mian Azhar to Farooq Leghari to those who created a PML-Q forward bloc in the National Assembly. Among other dangers to their hold on power, Humayun Akhtar Khan and Jehangir Tareen, have had to so far been content with heading their own ministries. Other prominent figures such as Sheikh Rashid have been operating in satellites of their own without clashing with the Chaudhries of Gujrat.
Even during moments when Chaudhry Pervaiz Elahi has been tipped to be the next prime minister of the country, there has been no revealing the name of his possible successor in Punjab, for that would allow others to stake their claims to the provincial top slot.
When it came to choosing prime ministers, on both occasions the Chaudhries managed to win approval for men who commanded no group of their own that could pose a problem to the influential Gujrat school. Mir Zafarullah Jamali was the first one to win the Chaudhries’ favour for the post of prime minister, and he could rally no support for himself once the PML-Q high command decided to get rid of him under orders from the presidency.
His replacement, Shaukat Aziz, was a virtual outsider. He has of late expressed a desire for a second term in office, and may be hoping to have built some political clout over the past few years that he has been the prime minister. That would be a challenge for Punjab and the central leadership of the PML-Q — along with a PPP in adversity and a Fazlur Rehman as a foe or a friend.

