WASHINGTON: Congressional Democrats’ momentum on their anti-war effort has stalled abruptly, ending weeks of hand-wringing by President George Bush’s White House.

The reasons? A convincing Army general, an activist group that overplayed their hand and a plainspoken defence secretary who doesn’t bother to defend the 2003 Iraq invasion.

“I think it’s better today,” said Republican Senator Lamar Alexander, speaking about the war. “I think we’re on a better path than we were.”

While a long-time skeptic of Bush’s troop buildup in Iraq, Alexander joined his Republican colleagues in blocking each of the Democrats’ three anti-war bills this week.

His vote and those of his colleagues dealt a demoralising blow to Democrats, who had hoped that by September more Republicans would have broken party ranks as the war’s unpopularity with voters remained unchecked.

Republican votes are crucial to the majority Democrats, because they have too few senators either to force an end to debate to bring a law to the floor, or to override a presidential veto.

Above all, Republican members say they were deeply impressed by the testimony last week of General David Petraeus, the top military commander in Iraq.

“Gen Petraeus’ report was the most critical and decisive,” said Republican Senator Jeff Sessions. “It was what he was able to tell us factually that ... we have a realistic chance of success.”

Another factor in the minority party’s unity, party officials say, was the advertisement in The New York Times, paid for by the liberal activist group MoveOn.org. The full-page ad, which taunted Petraeus as “General Betray Us” and accused him of distorting the facts of the war, served as a rallying point for Republicans.

Even with several Republican members wanting troops out faster than Petraeus recommended, the ad helped Senate Republican Leader Mitch McConnell drive home his point: voting to bring troops home was a vote against a popular and seasoned uniformed officer.“Let’s take sides. Gen Petraeus or MoveOn.org. Which one are we going to believe?” McConnell asked at one point during the week’s debate.

Also a major factor in the White House’s ability to shore up support for the war was Defence Secretary Robert Gates. He has launched an aggressive outreach campaign in recent days and found favour among Republican moderates who chafed under the brusque style of his predecessor, Donald Rumsfeld.

“I can just say that Gates has an even-tempered demeanour and he tends to give us the facts without a lot of adjectives,” said Ric Keller, another Republican, after leaving a meeting on Wednesday between Gates and 23 House Republicans, mostly moderates concerned about the lack of progress in Iraq.

Arguably his most endearing trait to many in Congress is his refusal to debate the merits of the Iraq invasion, which lawmakers like Republican Chris Shays of Connecticut say they have no patience for.

“The most important thing you have is your credibility. And when you’re wrong on Iraq, you lose your credibility,” said Shays, whose initial support of the invasion nearly cost him his seat in the House of Representatives.

In the Senate, where just a few Republican votes can tip the outcome, Gates allied himself with venerable Republican Senator John Warner to make his case against one Democratic proposal in particular, a measure by Democratic Senator Jim Webb that would have guaranteed troops more time at home.

Widely seen as the Democrats’ best shot, the bill was rejected by a 56-44 vote, falling four votes short of the 60 necessary to pass.

Two days before the vote, Gates traveled to Warner’s home state of Virginia to speak with the senator at a democracy forum. Warner returned to Washington to announce he could no longer support the proposal, despite having voted for it in July.

Gates made other personal appeals, including a phone call to Alexander and other senators warning them the bill would be disastrous for the military.

Hours before the vote, the Pentagon dispatched two senior Army generals — Lt. General Carter Ham, director of operations on the Joint Staff, and Lt. General James Lovelace, a deputy Army chief of staff — to brief lawmakers on the potential consequences of the bill.

Among those attending were Senators Alexander, Lisa Murkowski and Bob Corker, three Republicans who said they had been considering supporting the measure but ultimately rejected it.

Democrats say the fight is far from over. Public opinion still remains firmly in their corner, and they believe as the 2008 elections inch closer, Republicans will be in a tighter spot.

But for now, the White House seems to have bought itself some time.

“Am I satisfied with where we are? No,” said Murkowski. But “are we all moving in the same direction? Probably.” —AP