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| June 12, 2007 | Tuesday | Jamadi-ul-Awwal 26, 1428 |
Pollution by Fauji plant
Preparing for the rains
Being uncomfortable with free media
TB terror
PAKISTAN has come a long way since the days of General Zia when newspapers were subject to extensive censorship. Entire pages of newspapers went blank owing to censorship. Since then, no government has attempted to censor the press, not at least the way General Zia did. That, however, does not mean that the press has had complete and unrestrained freedom to publish whatever was deemed appropriate.
IT is astonishing that the number of voters for the coming general election should be less than what it was five years ago. For the first time in the country’s history, computerised voters’ lists have been prepared and are to be displayed at 45,403 centres throughout the country from today. However, according to press reports, the Draft Electoral Roll (DER) contains 12 million fewer names than it did in 2002. Five years ago, there were 72 million voters throughout the country; today there are only 60 million. In Sindh alone, the last electoral roll contained 16,423,653 voters, while, according to DER scheduled to go on display today, the number has gone down to 11,327,455, even though, as a result of the increase in population, more people will have come of age and be entitled to vote. Election Commission officials have explained this anomaly by saying they have registered as voters only those who have Computerised National Identity Cards with them. This way, they said, the EC has eliminated bogus names on the lists. The new, and let us assume correct, lists highlights the anomalies and manipulation that go into the electoral process.
Bogus voting is just one aspect of electioneering in Pakistan; there are hosts of other issues that need to be sorted out if the general election scheduled for later this year is to be fair and above controversy. The biggest issue, and the one that is intrinsically linked to Pakistan’s feudal-dominated politics, is the helplessness of voters in the rural areas. Theoretically, they are free to vote for any candidate, but in reality it is the feudal lord who sees to it that they vote the way they are intended to. An election in a rural constituency, with rare exceptions, is between two feudals, and that is the reason why the result of the election makes no difference to the quality of life of the rural population. In the urban areas, the position is different, and the people are relatively free to vote the way they want, but often in constituencies where only a few thousand votes would decide the issue, it is the party’s or candidate’s ability to provide transport for the voters and herd them to the booth that finally decides who wins. Besides, violence has become an intrinsic part of elections. A code of conduct for parties and candidate has not yet been formulated, but it is known that processions are one of the biggest causes of violence. Provocative slogans and a brazen display of arms often take emotions to new heights and lead to violence.
The decision to have President Pervez Musharraf re-elected by the existing assemblies has already cast a shadow on the coming election and disappointed all those who had hoped that 2007 would finally mark Pakistan’s entry into the community of democratic nations. Nevertheless, a transparent parliamentary election will give a fair indication of the strength of the political parties and the influence the leaders, some of them in exile, have with the people. The delay in announcing a schedule for the polls is adding to the prevailing anxiety. It is time the government announced the election schedule and named the interim government which will organise a transparent election with the help of an election commission that is truly independent and receives full cooperation from the state machinery as laid down in Article 220 of the Constitution.
SOME are clearly more equal than others in Pakistan where the compass of law enforcement is heavily skewed in favour of the influential. When any industrialist, big or small, can pollute the environment at will, it is only natural that factories run by the armed forces will be even more untouchable. Take the case of a Fauji Fertiliser Company plant in Mirpur Mathelo, district Ghotki. Residents in nearby villages had been complaining of noxious fumes emanating from the factory, and a survey in early April by the Sindh Environmental Protection Agency (Sepa) confirmed the presence of ammonia gas. The survey was conducted in collaboration with journalists and Fauji Fertiliser officials. On April 7, Sepa issued a directive that operations be suspended with immediate effect, but the order was flouted from day one and the plant never stopped running. In the meantime, the Ghotki station house officer prepared a highly suspect police report which found that the ammonia had leaked not from the fertiliser plant but from an ice factory in its vicinity. The FFC acquired another official sanction when it met with Sepa officials on May 26 — seven weeks after the directive to halt operations — and promised that an inspection report by an independent consultant would be submitted within 15 days. Sepa, for its part, allowed that the plant could be run for 15 days on a provisional basis. This grace period is now over.
The point here is that the factory should not have been operational for even a day following the Sepa directive. Under what law was the inspection process left at the convenience of the Fauji Fertiliser Company and the retired general at its helm? Besides the ammonia leakage incident, it has also come to light that FFC’s Mirpur Mathelo plant is not registered for the Self-Monitoring and Reporting Tool (SMART2) programme of the Pakistan Environmental Protection Agency. This suggests that the plant may not be in compliance with the National Environmental Quality Standards, which in turn is a violation of the Pakistan Environmental Protection Act 1997. Sepa has proved, yet again, that it is a mere rubberstamp in the hands of the powerful.
IT would be criminally negligent if the city government of Karachi makes it clear that it has not learnt any lessons from last year’s rains. With the monsoon season set to from start June 15 (and to last two months) the CDGK should be gearing up to give the finishing touches to any plans it has made to deal with any eventuality during the coming season. After all, just the mere mention of rain triggers fears among the residents as they are reminded of the nightmares they had faced last year — from commuting troubles to being electrocuted or having their homes flooded with rain water. Despite what the authorities claim, the breakdown of the civic infrastructure last year was widespread. The flooding of the KPT underpass in Clifton is one example of that breakdown which also saw various agencies blaming each other for the fiasco. Bath Island was virtually inaccessible during the rains and its hapless residents’ pleas were barely attended to. It also took much longer than usual for the rain water in the city to be drained out, resulting in much filth and difficulty for residents and commuters. This time the city government should be prepared to deal with any eventualities.
A report in Monday’s paper, however, points to the number of dug-up roads that are far from being completed and which will, inevitably, cause problems when the monsoon starts. As it is, commuters are facing lots of problems because of the haphazard manner of road repair and rebuilding but the risks and problems for commuters will multiply when it rains. It is therefore imperative that the CDGK chalk out a plan to ensure a smooth flow of traffic in the areas where construction work on roads is going on. It should also ensure that all drains are functional. Furthermore, all work on roads must be expedited.
All governments, without exception, have been uncomfortable with a free press. At times efforts have been made by governments, both elected or otherwise, to overawe or bribe journalists in order to restrain them from printing news items considered damaging by the government. It is a tribute to our journalists that they have resisted all such attempts. Thus, the freedom of press that we enjoy now is hard-earned and not bestowed by any government.
The advent of independent TV channels in the country has substantially transformed our culture and political discourse. By its very nature, television is far more effective, pervasive, intensive and graphic than print media. Its impact on the public mind is substantially higher than that of the print media. Live coverage on television not only provides us with the most up-to-date information about unfolding events but also engages the viewer in a way that print media cannot.
Likewise talk shows particularly where people can participate in the discussion, is a completely new phenomenon. This has empowered the people as their voice counts with instant effect. Government functionaries and public figures are accountable to the people to an extent never imagined before.
General Musharraf and his team have claimed credit for allowing the introduction and indeed the proliferation of independent TV channels in Pakistan. It certainly happened during their watch. But this phenomenon was inevitable. It was beyond the capacity of any government to stall it for too long. It was not General Musharraf’s inherent commitment to democracy, liberty, freedom of expression and media which prompted him to introduce a liberal policy for the electronic media. Pakistan could not escape the winds of change blowing across much of the world. Better to adopt than resist the inevitable.In those quiet days, it even appeared convenient to the government to allow independent TV channels to operate in the country. This convenience went well with the liberal image that General Musharraf wanted to foster and convey to the rest of the world.Since the impact of the independent electronic media in moulding public opinion is enormous as it reaches every household without exception, this also places far greater responsibility on the shoulders of those running its affairs. The nature of their functions is such that all those involved in the process including reporters, analysts, anchors, editorial staff and the management are required to make difficult choices every day.
Though journalists are not public functionaries, they act in the public domain and are ultimately accountable to the public besides their individual conscience. They are fully entitled to their personal views but that must not overshadow the critical function required to be performed by them in shaping public opinion by honest reporting. Thus, it is essential for their credibility that they remain visibly impartial, evenhanded and detached from the passions of the moment.
Though the electronic media is still in its infancy in Pakistan, our independent channels have by and large demonstrated a great degree of maturity and discretion. They have reported events as they occur, exercised restraint and maintained the delicate balance expected from professional journalists. When the political atmosphere in the country was dull, as it has been for quite some time, until March 9, 2007, the media reflected a society, by and large at peace with itself. When General Musharraf, prompted by his intelligence agencies, launched his ill-advised assault on the judiciary, it created havoc in the country.The legal fraternity immediately realized the intensity of danger to constitutional governance and the rule of law in the country and reacted with unprecedented unity and valour. The media did not create this situation. It only reported live what was happening on the streets. The culture of deceit, lies and distortion fostered by the state-run media was a thing of the past. To witness the events unfolding, people did not need to tune in to BBC or other foreign networks. Their own networks were there to tell them accurately what was happening in the country. They had earned their credibility.
This was the first occasion in Pakistan’s history when a major political and constitutional crisis, which had shaken the foundations of the government of the day, was accurately reported live to the people. This reporting galvanized public opinion in the country, and diverse groups including lawyers, political parties and other members of civil society coalesced to save the judiciary. The public was made instantly aware of the gravity of the situation.
Then came May 12, 2007, when terror was unleashed on Karachi by coalition partners of the government. The media instantly showed the faces of the victims and the perpetrators caught red-handed on the screen. The show of strength by the government and its allies on that day turned into a nightmare for them. It was no longer possible to commit murder and pretend innocence. It all boomeranged in their face.
Neither content with nor willing to rectify the blunders of March 9 and May 12, General Musharraf seems determined to unravel himself sooner than later. 2007 was meant to be his annus mirabilis, his year of triumph and re-election. We are only halfway through the year yet it is the worst nightmare for him.
While the people were still lamenting the assault on the judiciary and the death of innocent people in Karachi, the government launched yet another self-defeating assault, this time on the media. When journalists refused to be overawed by indirect threats, a draconian law in the form of the Pemra (Amendment) Ordinance, 2007, was promulgated. This law is on its face contrary to Article 19 of the Constitution of Pakistan, 1973, which guarantees freedom of speech, expression and the press. This is not 1977. Such measures belong to a bygone era. The government should not delude itself that people will accept such attempts to silence dissent. They will not. It only reflects desperation of a rudderless government which has lost its direction. Rather than calming the situation, it would only hasten the demise of the regime. The new law, meanwhile, has been withdrawn by the government.
General Musharraf has enjoyed almost eight years of absolute power. This is more than sufficient to test the mettle of any mortal. Whatever he may have wanted to achieve, he should have achieved by now. There isn’t much left for him or the military to conquer except to perpetuate the mess they have already created. He may refuse to accept this but his legacy has already been written. He is an exhausted man with no new message or agenda for the people.
To summon the support of the military brass in these final moments only betrays the hollowness of his regime. Enough and perhaps irreparable damage has already been done to the military as an institution due to its perennial involvement in politics and business. If General Musharraf continues to persist with his childish insolence and clings on to power against the changing mood of time, he would make his exit more difficult and painful, both for himself as well as the country. The people have already endured the worst so they can survive another tragedy but General Musharraf and the institution to which he belongs may not be as resilient.
IN the 1970s, eradicating TB appeared possible. Now, the drug-resistant strains are winning. Of the 9 million new TB cases each year, an estimated 450,000 are multi-drug resistant, or MDR. Only two-thirds of MDR TB patients are cured.
The World Health Organization estimates that in 2005, there were 27,000 cases in 37 countries of XDR TB, which is resistant to at least three of the six second-line drugs used when the first drugs fail.
The cure rate for XDR TB patients is just one-third. Scariest of all, two women in Italy recently died from a fully resistant type of TB that's officially incurable. (Scientists are dubbing it XXDR TB.) Today, TB terrorises those whose immunity has been weakened by HIV, hunger, alcoholism or other diseases. If the new strains become dominant, everyone is at risk.
XDR TB is already too widespread to quarantine. We need to combat it — globally — before it becomes pandemic. Last week, the WHO asked governments worldwide to pay up the $3 billion a year needed to fund existing TB programs — and an additional $1 billion a year to combat XDR TB.
In the US, Sen. Sherrod Brown and others proposed spending $300 million on TB next year, much of it on research. Given that isolating and treating a single XDR patient can cost up to $250,000, the case for spending far more on prevention and control is self-evident.
Other necessary measures include a better TB test. Standard TB tests are 100 years old and generate false results 30 per cent of the time. Most people infected with drug-resistant TB don't know it because their countries don't test for it. It can take up to four months to culture and diagnose MDR TB, and up to six months to diagnose XDR TB. By then, many patients are dead and countless others infected. The TB genome has been sequenced, and development of a 24-hour biomarker test for the new strains has become possible. It must be funded now.
––Los Angeles Times