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DINA
DAWN - the Internet Edition


January 10, 2007 Wednesday Zilhaj 19, 1427
Features


Pakistan’s mess of cricket governance
Hazrat Usman – the beacon of Islam



Pakistan’s mess of cricket governance


By Saad Shafqat

In Pakistan’s corridors of power, chairmanship of the Pakistan Cricket Board is considered one of the choicest favours that the country’s head of state can bestow. This may sound like good news – if nothing else, at least a measure of the game’s enormous nation-wide popularity – but it is in fact a stark reality that explains the mess of cricket governance in Pakistan. The give-away is the head of state’s cricketing omnipotence – in essence, a de facto authority for the President of Pakistan to do as he pleases with the nation’s cricket affairs.

There is little precedence for this in the rest of the cricket world, yet influence over the national cricket team has become culturally accepted as a privilege of high power in Pakistan. Believe it or not, the constitution of the PCB empowers the president of Pakistan to push aside constitutional regulations and replace the cricket administration with a group of his own choosing (a so-called ad hoc committee). The PCB’s current tailspin can be traced back to an exercise of this discretionary power on July 17, 1999, which supplanted a constitutional cricket board with an ad hoc committee that, in one form or another, continues to this day.

Pakistan’s president back then was Rafiq Tarar, an appointee of the Nawaz Sharif government, and the action was a political favor to a friend who wanted to become Pakistan’s cricket chief. The poor fellow’s tenure was short-lived, because three months later General Pervez Musharraf had removed Nawaz Sharif, and promptly brought in his own ad hoc committee.

Since then, the committee has seen four chairmen – Zafar Altaf, Tauqir Zia, Shaharyar Khan and now Nasim Ashraf. Each new chairman has taken office with impressive rhetoric about sorting out Pakistan’s cricket business once and for all. Yet they have stumbled around in the job and left amid controversy.

Tauqir Zia, for example, exploited his position to arrange an ODI debut for his son, Junaid. (The young man played four matches against Bangladesh, took 3 wickets at 42.33, and since his father’s departure has not been heard from again.) Then there is Shaharyar Khan, a career ambassador who traces his ancestral lineage to nawabs and princes. He visibly enjoyed the position’s pomp and ceremony, and exhibited a rather pointless patrician demeanour that seemed out of place in modern cricket.

The new chairman, Nasim Ashraf, a physician who has spent much of his adult life in the United States, took office last October, just days before the Pakistan team left for its Champion’s Trophy campaign. He began by making predictable noises about putting the house in order, but before long his inexperience had started to show. In one of his initial TV interviews, he said that he had ordered the Pakistan team to curb visible displays of Muslim practice and ritual. It came across as an ill-timed show of confused priorities and left everyone wondering about his broader vision and grasp.

As with his predecessors, reports of Ashraf’s misuse of authority have started to make the rounds. He recently appointed his own nephew as PCB’s director of communications and media, then went a step further by inviting a group of Pakistan’s frontline cricket correspondents to tour South Africa at PCB expense. His mishandling of Shoaib Akhtar and Mohammad Asif’s doping investigation, in which (at a minimum) he tried to influence the process through an official letter of ‘advice’, is also threatening to blow up.

The latest in this saga is the abrupt resignation of bowling legend Waqar Younis from the job of bowling coach. Waqar has publicly blamed Nasim Ashraf’s ‘insulting’ attitude for his action, and the fans are left to rue the loss. Waqar’s efforts with Umar Gul in particular had begun to show impressive dividends. Whatever the politics behind this unfortunate development, there is no doubt it could have been better handled and the controversial circumstances avoided.

Across the country, regional administrators now fear that such callousness at the center is wreaking untold damage on the country’s cricketing fabric. Sirajul Islam Bukhari, secretary of Karachi City Cricket Association and a longstanding champion of democratic norms, points out that the ad hoc committees have comprised amateur drawing room enthusiasts who surround themselves with yes-men and bring nothing special to the position. They are seduced by the glitz and glitter of the Test and ODI sides but neglect grassroots development, Pakistan’s perennial Achilles heel.

So where do we go from here? Cynics argue that we can hardly expect the cricket board to follow a constitution in a country whose own constitution keeps getting flouted. But cynicism is not a solution. The recipe for any national sport to flourish is based on three key ingredients – sporting talent, ample funds, and good governance. In Pakistan cricket, where talent has never been questioned and board coffers are flush with cash in these days of lucrative TV rights and lavish advertising budgets, the problem is easily localized. That it has not been addressed in seven years of ad hoc committee rule demonstrates that the ad hoc formula is ineffective.

The need to restore the PCB’s suspended constitution has never been more urgent, because the board can only be effective as an institution, and a prerequisite for that is unfailing adherence to a constitution. The PCB charter gives proper representation to regional cricket associations, forces the board’s chairman to share power with a 15-member executive council, and holds the system accountable to a general body comprising entities that field teams in Pakistan’s domestic first-class season.

But restoration of the constitution would only be the first step in a long and difficult journey. Constitutional amendments will have to follow, as the board must distance itself from the head of state. Importantly, the board chairman, secretary and treasurer – currently appointed at the pleasure of the President of Pakistan – need to be elected officials. All eyes are on Dr. Nasim Ashraf now, as we wait for him to follow through on promises and institute a representative cricket administration based on constitutional order. Fans are losing patience, and a demanding media stands vigilant.

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Hazrat Usman – the beacon of Islam


By Manzoor Ahmad

The article marks the anniversary of the martyrdom of Hazrat Usman (R.A.)

THE third pious caliph, venerable Hazrat Usman (R.A.), was one of the closest companions of Holy Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him). He is exalted for his unprecedented sacrifices for the cause of Islam and immensely meritorious services to Muslims even before being installed as caliph. He was an unparalleled philanthropist and a man of many parts.

He was born in Makkah and had the distinction of being literate. He started his life as a merchant; by dint of labour, diligence and honest dealings, his trade flourished and he prospered as a big businessman.

With the arrival of Muslims, the population of the city of Madinah increased; and with that the demand of drinking water. At that time, the main source of drinking water was a well, which was owned by a Jewish man and he sold water to Muslims at a higher rate. It added to the sufferings of the Muslims. To procure water by the Muslims easily, the Holy Prophet (peace be upon him) wished to get the well purchased by some Muslim and assured that whosoever purchased it would have a place in the Paradise. Hazrat Usman came forward and fulfilling the desire of the Holy Prophet (peace be upon him) purchased it.

On the occasion of preparation for the battle of Tabuk (also called Al Usra), when Madinah was under severe threat of the Byzantines’ attack, the munificence showed by Hazrat Usman was peerless. He met the expenses of one-third of the army. He equipped about 10,000 men and also provided 1,000 camels, 70 horses and provided 1,000 dinars in cash; on which the Holy Prophet (peace be upon him) said: “He who equipped the army of Al Usra will have Paradise.”

When a severe famine occurred, Hazrat Usman purchased grain and distributed among the people to alleviate the sufferings of the poor and the needy. Without any discrimination, he always assisted orphans, widows and the destitute. Usually, every Friday, he enfranchised a slave. He also purchased a plot of land in the Baqi’ area for using it as a graveyard. During his caliphate, he rebuilt the mosque of the Holy Prophet out of his own means.

One of the most memorable occasions of his life and an important event in the annals of Islam is his role as an envoy of the Holy Prophet (peace be upon him) to the pagans of Makkah during the treaty of Hudaybiyah. In AH 6, the Holy Prophet (peace be upon him) decided to perform Umra.

After consultation with his companions, he asked Hazrat Usman to go to Makkah as his envoy to inform the pagans of Makkah of the purpose of the visit. Hazrat Usman’s stay in Makkah was unexpectedly prolonged and, in the meantime, a rumour spread that Hazrat Usman had been assassinated, which greatly perturbed the Holy Prophet (peace be upon him). He took an oath of fealty from the accompanying companions.

The Holy Prophet (peace be upon him), placing one of his hands upon his other, took the pledge on behalf of Hazrat Usman. But Hazrat Usman returned safely. During his stay in Makkah, the pagans had allowed Hazrat Usman to perform Umra but he, refusing the offer, said: “How is it possible that I avail myself of this opportunity, when the Holy Prophet (peace be upon him) is denied it?”

Hazrat Usman maintained the administrative set-up which was established by Hazrat Umar (R.A.) The council of consultation (Majlis-i-Shura) was the supreme body at the centre to take decisions concerning the policy matters of the state. The revenues of the state were managed by the institution of Diwan. The judiciary was independent and was headed by the Chief Qazi.

The Muslim Empire was divided into provinces and each province was headed by a Wali (governor). The other prominent state functionaries were Amils, the revenue collectors, and the judges. The public weal was the sole objective of the administration. The state revenues were liberally spent for public utility, mosques, caravan-serais, roads and canals were constructed. To meet the military requirements, shipyards for manufacturing warships were founded and pastures for horses and camels were developed.

Hazrat Usman met the people on Fridays, listened to their grievances as well as complaints against state functionaries and disposed of them promptly. In case of a complaint against state official, he would depute a responsible person to carry out an investigation with the approval of the Majlis-i-Shura.

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