KARACHI, Dec 5: Although there are no indications from power wielders in the country about the schedule of general elections due in 2007, the main political parties have started flexing their muscles.
Short of forming a grand opposition front to match the resources and manpower of the ruling coalition alliance, the major opposition parties have started mobilisation of their respective electorates by holding regular meetings of the party executive committees, adopting resolutions on pressing issues and addressing press conferences.
The main stream national parties instead of taking initiative on the issues that directly affect the masses like soaring prices, law and order, street crime, promotion of class based education system and making health accessible have mostly engaged the attention of their electorate in emotional issues.
Pakistan Peoples Party, led by Benazir Bhutto, continues to be in the forefront having appeal among the masses comparing to its other factions like PPP(Patriot) and PPP (SB).
The government efforts to scuttle its strength in parliament by offering perks and ministries though successful in some measure, has failed to erode its popularity in the rural areas of Sindh, Seraiki belt in Punjab where its vote bank so far has remained intact and, according to observers, if the coming elections were held in a fair, free and transparent manner, the PPP turncoats would not be able to get themselves elected even from their ancestral constituencies.
The party has kept itself alive besides encashing the Bhutto charisma, around its open stance against Kalabagh Dam, anti-dictatorship, NFC Award and water issue.
The Muttahida Qumi Movement, which is one of the major coalition partners in the Pakistan Muslim League-Q led government, apart from sharing power in the Centre and Sindh has managed not only to keep its vote bank intact but also succeeded in expansion of its base from urban to rural areas and even beyond Sindh to Azad Kashmir and even Punjab, NWFP and Balochistan where its teething problems are creating a stir in the corridors of power and among the people who monopolise the constituencies.
Their popular appeal is the call for rule of the 98 per cent against that of the feudal and tribal chiefs.
The Pakistan Muslim League(Functional), which is presided over by Pir Pagara, spiritual leader of the Hur Jamaat, has emerged from the 2002 general elections as the major beneficiary party in Sindh which has 16 MPAs in the House of 168. This has given PML-F an upper hand in Sindh’s politics where ancestral constituencies play an important role in getting oneself elected.
This was indeed a re-surrection of Pir Pagara’s party after it was wiped out in the 1970s elections by the just emerging PPP euphoria.
Pir Pagara, who did not believe in politics of tall promises nor in sermons to others makes all his moves on ground realities. He never hides his face in glossy slogans of popular appeal when he says that in Pakistan the role of army institution from power corridors can not be ruled out.
This was why in Sindh any one who is victimised by the party in power, rushes to join PML-F to get protection from the high-handedness of the establishment.
Its latest example is of bureaucrat turned politician Imtiaz Ahmad Shaikh who after facing “unending victimisation” of his family and friends during the rule of his own party, he had resigned from the office of Vice President of the ruling PML-Q and announced his joining the PML-F.
Muttahida Majlis-i-Amal , which despite being an alliance of six religious parties, for all practical purposes had been an alliance of Jamaat-i-Islami and Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam-F.
Led by JI chief Qazi Hussain Ahmad while Maulana Fazl-ur-Rehman of JUI-F, as its Secretary General along with being Leader of the Opposition in the National Assembly.
Although both claim that all decisions were taken with consensus, this may be true as far issues like Kashmir, Palestine, Al-Quds, Iraq, Afghanistan, Waziristan and others where both have nothing at stake except religious concern and broad humanitarian issues but coming to the home ground realities, both have their own agenda.
While the former wants to pursue politics of commitments, the latter believes in politics of power.
This different approach resulted in building consensus on any issue in the alliance and despite holding numerous massive rallies and public meetings on various issues in major urban centres during the last three years, the MMA has been unable to make good its threat of giving a call to stage sit-ins in Islamabad.
The issue of resignations from assemblies in protest against the killing of veteran Baloch nationalist leader Nawab Akbar Bugti, and later the passage of the Woman Protection Bill are glaring examples of different opinions which could lead to cracks in the MMA.
Tehreek-i-Insaf, which is led by Cricketer turn politician Imran Khan, has launched its anti-government movement from Nov 18 according to his declared announcement by holding rallies and galvanising its party cadres. After the MMA leadership, Imran Khan is perhaps the second politician who keeps touring various parts of the province to organise his party.
However, it is yet to be seen how far he has succeeded in making inroads in the province.
Awami National Party, which has pockets of support in urban centres, is also preparing to take its share from the cake in the coming elections. This is evident from the rallies that were organised by the ANP under the garb of Pakhtoon Jirga.
Jamiat Ulema-i-Pakistan, which after the death of its outstanding leader Allama Shah Ahmad Noorani, went into hibernation over an year, reawakened under the leadership of his son, Shah Muhammad Anas Noorani. It is to be seen how fills the shoes of his father, who was a great tactician and negotiator.
Nationalists organisations, including Sindh National Front, Sindh Taraqi Pasand Party, Jiye Sindh Mohaz and Sindh Awami Tehreek despite remaining active round the year by reacting on various touchy and sensitive issues like distribution of water, NFC award, Kalabagh Dam, Thal Canal and provincial autonomyhave failed to make their niche on the political scene.
