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DINA
DAWN - the Internet Edition


November 09, 2006 Thursday Shawwal 16, 1427
Features


COMMENT: For the truly diehard, there’s still no third man
Foreign policy-makers face dilemma of multi-culturalism



COMMENT: For the truly diehard, there’s still no third man


By Saad Shafqat

IMRAN and Miandad have recently been in vintage form again. This time they are delivering opinionated critique on separate cable TV shows. It isn’t quite the same as watching them play, but it’s not a bad substitute. The style, vigor, wit and – most charmingly – deadpan disdain, are all there. In deference to the diehard, they are enacting the same old roles that made them legends.

Imran is regal, declarative, and forthright; Miandad is dismissive, cutting, and often incredulous. They still exude the same passion and energy, and project it to perfection: Imran, as an inspiring commander who leads from the front; Miandad, as a relentless tactician determined to outthink any opponent. Not for nothing did we fall in love with these two idols all those years ago. They entered our hearts and minds just a few months apart, in one great watershed of a season.

Think back, those who can, to an October morning in Lahore. The year is 1976 and it is the start of Pakistan’s busiest cricket season yet. In the 1st Test against New Zealand at Gaddafi Stadium, a 19-year-old named Javed Miandad is listed for Test debut. He finds himself partnering Asif Iqbal with Pakistan 55 for 4 after winning the toss, but he doesn’t look worried. He has a swagger and panache, and he competes like there is no tomorrow. These traits will endear him to our hearts for the next two decades. When the dust settles, he has made 163 and put on 281 for the 5th wicket with Asif Iqbal – still a Pakistan record. A nation is riveted.

Three months later – January 1977 – the team is in Sydney. Pakistan have never won a Test in Australia, and they are now trailing 1-0 coming into the final Test. Imran has been in and out of the side since 1971 but hasn’t quite found his niche. Asians have never produced a fast bowler to match the world greats but there is now a genie in Imran that is screaming to escape. Those who followed that match have not forgotten his figures of 6 for 102 and 6 for 63. On the radio, they told us he was bowling faster than Lillee. We couldn’t believe it, even though we knew it had to be true.

From that spectacular start they prospered and went from strength to strength. They didn’t seem to get along, but they wanted the same thing – victory for Pakistan – so badly that when it mattered most they always collaborated.

It is said that a golden age is appreciated only in retrospect, but in this case even at the time most people were on to it. In 1986, Miandad fought with his finest limited-overs knock to defeat India at Sharjah against near-impossible odds. It felt like a momentous beginning, and it was. Within two years, Imran had led Pakistan to inaugural overseas wins in India and England, and Miandad had run into Bradmanesque form that would see him post 4 centuries and 3 double-centuries in the space of 12 Tests.

In those days the road for cricket destiny led to the West Indies. April 1988 in Guyana – it was a tough time in a tough neighborhood. It is the only time Pakistan has been a credible contender for world Test supremacy. Miandad still remembers it as the Battle of Georgetown. Imran says it is the best cricket he has ever played.

West Indies win the toss and decide to bat but Imran puts everything into a Herculean bowling effort taking 7 for 80.

It is time for his mate to step up. By now, Miandad is over 30, and a long way from that Test debut in Lahore. But if age has dulled his reflexes, it has multiplied his experience and guile. He is so wrought up in the moment he has staked all his self-respect as a batsman on this innings. He stands against a West Indian firing squad but his real contest is with himself. It is the only way to win the struggle, and he does. Pakistan take a 143-run lead built around Miandad’s fiercely defiant 114, and it proves decisive.

The only blemish in that idyllic era was heartbreak in the 1987 World Cup semifinal at Lahore. But that was a necessary setback to prepare us for the ultimate finale. Five years later they were in Melbourne, and Miandad was walking out to join Imran at 24 for 2. Pakistan being Pakistan, another wicket meant certain collapse. The two warriors saw each other across the length of the pitch and did not utter a word. There was no need to. They must have realized the cricket gods did them a favor in Lahore and have kept the best for last.

They have their faults – who doesn’t? – but even their flaws have become part of their myth. Our heroes are complex, but they are heroes nevertheless. And for these two, who have transformed an entire nation’s psyche and made it believe in its own possibilities, is it too much to ask that all sins be readily forgiven?

There have been champions before, and there have been champions since. But even after all these years, fans of a certain age are still lulling themselves to sleep with images of Imran and Miandad. You can’t convince the diehard. For them there is still no third man.

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Foreign policy-makers face dilemma of multi-culturalism


By Qudssia Akhlaque

ISLAMABAD: The phenomenon of multi-culturalism has led to new challenges. The absorption of individuals originating from different countries into the American and UK melting pot raises now questions, if not dilemmas. For example in the field of diplomacy this predicament is now also faced by Pakistani foreign policy-makers with an increasing number of diplomats of Indian origin finding their way into the US and UK governments.

There is a major concern in the official quarters in Islamabad over the appointment of growing number of diplomats of Indian origin to sensitive positions at the US embassy and to a lesser degree at the UK High Commission.

Diplomats are not hesitant to acknowledge that the issue has emerged as an irritant in the otherwise robust relations that Pakistan enjoys with its two key Western allies. Efforts are already under way to resolve the matter amicably. According to one insider such efforts are being made in the framework of "friendly discussions" between the embassies and foreign offices who are in the process of educating each other about their respective positions on this matter.

"It is work in progress and they have taken note of our concerns," is how one Pakistani diplomat put it while pointing out that there is a continuing dialogue with the two governments.

While Pakistan is aware that it cannot dictate the personnel policies of other countries, it is trying to sensitise them to its legitimate concerns.

Foreign Minister Khurshid Kasuri raised the issue with the heads of the US and the UK missions a few months ago. Also, there have been discussions on this at the diplomatic level in Washington and London.

The alarm bells first rang at the Foreign Ministry when it received visa requests for American diplomats of Indian origin for the consular section and assignments in sensitive positions that would involve work in the public domain. It became an issue when the government resisted a couple of such appointments and did not clear the visa requests. Apparently the visa process was unusually delayed to indicate Islamabad's reluctance in a few cases. In some cases the missions had to eventually review their decisions.

The matter has been discussed on several occasions and at various levels, official as well as political, since then.

Pakistan's main reservation is appointment of diplomats of Indian origin to political posts or in positions entailing public dealing like the visa section. It does not seem to have problems with Indian origin diplomats occupying administrative or commercial slots. Pakistan's worry is that it could give them access to places, confidential documents, agreements and information about bilateral cooperation that would be a 'no-go areas' for the Indians. Also, since diplomats of Indian origin and those having spouses of Indian origin would have more social interaction with officials of the Indian mission, they could wittingly or unwittingly divulge sensitive information. For instance classified information relating to war on terrorism, security and defence cooperation.

So Pakistan's loud and clear message to the US and UK governments is: in principle avoid it but if you must, then have them in only administrative, commercial and non-sensitive areas which involve no public dealing. Pakistan's strongest argument is that there should be parity and fair-play on the matter, pointing out that the general tendency in India is to not accept diplomats of Pakistani origin. In fact, this particular tendency in Indian policy is not confined to appointments in bilateral missions. As matter of general practice India does not allow professionals of Pakistani origin working for international organisations and multinational companies to be stationed in their country.

Independent experts are of the view that the Parliament Committees on Foreign Relations should raise this issue with the government to put pressure on the Foreign Office to ensure that there is parity on this matter. The position taken by the US and the UK governments for posting of diplomats of Indian origin to Pakistan is that they are naturalized citizens and it is part of an effort to balance equal opportunity. In other words it is their system and they have got to live with it, so Pakistan also better accept it. The overriding message from them is: it is the age of globalisation and they are multi-ethnic societies. Multiculturalism is the wave of the future so we better get used to it.

However, the government maintains that given the history of strained Indo-Pakistan relations and the huge trust-deficit that still exists, they ought to show more sensitivity in this regard. It points out that the Indo-Pakistan rivalry makes interaction with such diplomats difficult when it comes to raising matters of sensitive nature such as the Strategic Dialogue or nuclear issue. From the US perspective they are happier sending Indians or those who are more at ease in the area. But the fact remains that by and large the Asian Americans will bring the competitiveness of their homeland to the American context. It would be only natural that Indian interests are promoted by Indian Americans. Hence, this will have to be factored in by the US and other administrations wanting to post naturalized citizens in a country which has an antagonistic relationship with the country of origin of their naturalized nationals.

Increasingly, even within the multicultural societies like the US and the UK dual identities remain intact-the identity of one's origin and the adopted identity. Also that in the age of information revolution the ability to remain rooted in one's original culture and politics is obvious.

We see that as lobbies like the Indian-American, Israeli-American and Pakistani-American etc. work to promote the interests of their country of origin. Thus the multi-cultural Americans work with split and competitive loyalty.

There now appears to be a better appreciation of Pakistan's contention that diplomatic appointments which have the potential of becoming a source of unnecessary friction or unease instead of promoting bilateral relations ought to be avoided.

At present there are around five American diplomats of Indian origin at the US embassy in key positions including an Attaché, a first secretary and a third secretary. Then there is a consular whose wife is of Indian origin. Two left early this year. There are a couple at the UK High Commission, including an Attaché. Earlier there were more. In the age of multiculturalism in the long run more of such diplomatic appointments may be inevitable in the long run.

Apart from the fact that an increasing number of professionals of Indian origin are entering the US and the UK governments, the regional consideration, the ease of communication are also seen as added factors behind such postings. Also, at some level it may have something to do with the international community's keenness to see a 'coming together of Pakistan-India' besides the Indian keenness to be in Pakistan.

But clearly the acceptance of more American and British diplomats of Indian origin in Pakistan would depend on two factors -- the reciprocity principle and the improvement of Pakistan-India relations. The two factors are themselves as complicated as the issue itself. Hence no easy solutions to this dilemma. Perhaps Islamabad will have to deal with them on case by case basis.

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