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DAWN - the Internet Edition


September 19, 2006 Tuesday Sha'aban 25, 1427

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Editorial


Breakthrough in Havana
In the name of honour
Agony of under-trials
Assumptions and innuendos
Doctors under influence



Breakthrough in Havana


THE unfortunate and acrimonious aftermath of the Mumbai blasts now seems to be behind us, for Pakistan and India have finally decided to resume the composite dialogue. The meeting between President Pervez Musharraf and Indian Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh on the sidelines of the non-aligned summit in Havana has produced these results. Apart from pledging to find a peaceful solution to the Kashmir dispute, the joint statement issued after Saturday’s meeting has one new element insofar as the fight against terrorism is concerned: the two sides have agreed to set up an “India-Pakistan anti-terrorism institutional mechanism”. This is a departure from traditional positions and should help avoid misunderstanding and the blame game in case terrorists strike again. In the past, whether there was an attack on the parliament building or blasts in Mumbai, the Indian press had blamed Pakistan without finding any evidence of Islamabad’s involvement, though officially New Delhi had been a little more circumspect, asking Pakistan to “do more” to rein in terrorists. India also rejected the offer of joint investigation and information sharing. The creation of a joint mechanism should, therefore, help avoid misunderstandings between the two on such occasions and ensure coordination between the security agencies on both sides. Now that a breakthrough has been achieved, one hopes the composite dialogue will continue and no act of terrorism or any incident — like the mutual expulsion of diplomats — will be allowed to derail the normalisation process with the eventual aim of finding a solution to the Kashmir dispute.

As NAM members, both Pakistan and India were party to the declaration that condemned the Israeli attack on Lebanon, declared that Al Quds was part of occupied territory, upheld Iran’s right to nuclear energy, and pleaded for a peaceful settlement of the issue. The 92-page declaration adopted on Saturday condemned terrorism, but made it clear that the concept did not apply to situations where people were fighting for the right of self-determination and resisting foreign occupation. The exception should be welcomed by the people of Kashmir and Palestine whose struggle for freedom has sometimes been branded as terrorism. The declaration upholds democracy as a universal value but says no power has the right to define what it is — a veiled criticism of American policies. Even though there was no dearth of “moderate” leaders as well as those fully in the American camp, the star attraction at Havana seemed to be Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmedinejad and Venezuela’s President Hugo Chavez, although everyone must have missed the firebrand but now ailing President Fidel Castro of Cuba, who remains the sole surviving leader from the heyday of the non-aligned movement launched by a galaxy of anti-colonial fighters in 1961. Those were the days when NAM was a dynamic movement that sought to adopt a neutral position between the two hostile blocs led by the US and the USSR. Today, with the disappearance of the Warsaw bloc and the collapse of communism, the raison d’etre for the non-aligned movement has all but disappeared. For that reason, NAM’s triennial meetings have, like those of the Organisation of the Islamic Conference, become a routine affair devoid of substance, the end-result in each case being long statements that are of little practical importance. For that reason, NAM’s recommendations on a number of issues, including the need for reforms in the Security Council and the abolition of the veto power, will remain unimplemented in a world dominated by the sole superpower.

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In the name of honour


DESPITE keen media attention and an improvement in relevant laws, cases of ‘honour killing’ continue to be reported from across the country, particularly Sindh and Punjab. It is estimated that honour killings claim over a thousand victims a year, most of them women. According to police data, the number of women killed in the name of honour rose from 758 in 2001 to 1,349 in 2004 — a 78 per cent increase over a period of four years. The actual numbers are likely to be even higher given that many cases go unreported. Although precise figures are unavailable for 2005, it is believed that last year was no exception to the upward trend in these heinous crimes. Statistics serve a valuable purpose in terms of highlighting the prevalence of this social disease in a country where tribal or feudal custom is still the unwritten law in many areas. But as Mr Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry, Chief Justice of Pakistan, pointed out at a national conference in Karachi on Sunday, “even if one person is murdered in the name of honour, that is one person too many.” Women are routinely killed by male relatives on suspicion of infidelity or promiscuity, and for exercising their right to divorce, refusing to enter an arranged marriage or eloping with a spouse of their choosing. Men too can lose their lives for perceived slights to the ‘honour’ of the family or clan, either their own or that of a woman. Sometimes, cases of infidelity or premarital sex are concocted to acquire or protect land by way of settlement with the ‘guilty’ party, even if this involves passing a death sentence on a falsely implicated daughter or wife. The police, for their part, are often hesitant to pursue cases of honour killing — and if they do become involved, they tend to view the perpetrators with sympathy, even respect.

The chief justice explained that the law had been amended so as to deal “more directly” with honour killing and make it a crime punishable by death or life imprisonment. However, as the CJ noted, laws alone cannot change mindsets. For that to happen, the country’s intelligentsia as well as religious scholars must take the lead in delivering the message that this reprehensible crime has no place in civilised society.

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Agony of under-trials


IT should come as no surprise that the cases of 75 per cent of under-trial prisoners in Sindh are pending in courts. Indeed, our slow and flawed judicial system has ensured that conditions in other jails across the country are not very different, and that under-trial prisoners often end up spending more time — in many cases several years — in prison than they would on being convicted and sentenced. What makes the situation more tragic is the fact that the conviction rate itself is low, indicating that most under-trial prisoners are actually innocent of the crime they have been accused of. The result is that our prisons have become intensely overcrowded and very often those charged with petty offences end up sharing cells with hardened and dangerous lawbreakers, who in collusion with the jail staff, are responsible for transforming prisons into criminal dens. The solution lies not only in expanding and improving accommodation for prisoners but in expediting trials so that the innocents can be freed to get on with their lives.

The recommendations of numerous judicial and other commissions on this issue have not made any difference so far and there are thousands of prisoners who cannot be brought to court because of the dearth of police vehicles and security staff to accompany them. Moreover, the process of investigation is excruciatingly slow and very often gets obstructed by tedious legal and other processes. What is needed is a combination of legal and jail reforms aimed at ensuring that under-trial prisoners get speedy trials and prisons are cleansed of corrupting influences. For this to happen, the way prisoners are perceived must change: they should not be regarded as society’s outcasts but as people, who, given proper direction, will refrain from committing further offences.

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Assumptions and innuendos


By M.J. Akbar

AN intriguing part of the conversation between the Byzantine Emperor Manuel II Paleologus and “an educated Persian” now made world-famous by Pope Benedict XVI, is that the Persian seems to have no name. There is no mention of it in the speech made by the Holy Father during his “Apostolic Journey” to the University of Regensburg on 9/12.

The Persian must have been an intellectual of some importance if he was good enough to merit an audience with an “erudite” emperor. Does his name exist in the original text, since it was “presumably the Emperor himself who set down this dialogue, during the siege of Constantinople between 1394 and 1402”? Was the name mentioned in the version produced by Professor Theodore Khoury, which the Pope has read, and which he used in a speech on a critical aspect of a sensitive theme at a time of conflict, on the Islamic doctrine of “holy war”? I ask because names lend greater credibility to text. Was the name omitted because Muslims of the educated kind preferred anonymity? Not at all. Imam Ghazali and Ibn Khaldun were household names at the time of this dialogue.

There are other uncertainties in the Pope’s speech, which purports to be about “Faith, Reason and the University: Memories and Reflections” in which he quotes Manuel’s ignorant, but, given the history of the early and mediaeval Church’s continual diatribe against Islam and its Prophet (PBUH), predictable view. This discussion on “holy war” appeared in the seventh conversation and was “rather marginal to the dialogue as a whole”. It is interesting that Pope Benedict should select what was “rather marginal” for emphasis and ignore the apparently more substantive issues that were discussed.

What is genuinely disconcerting is that the Holy Father should accept Manuel’s taunting, erroneous and provocative depiction of the Prophet’s message without any qualification. Pope Benedict is not at all disturbed by phrases as insulting as “evil and inhuman, such as his command to spread by the sword the faith he preached”. This is utterly wrong, as even a cursory understanding of Islam would have made apparent. Are the Pope’s speechwriters equally biased or ignorant? The Pope treated Manuel’s observation and commentary as self-evident truth.

I have a further question: Why didn’t the Pope quote the Persian scholar’s answer to Manuel? It was a conversation, after all. Are we to believe that the Persian gave no answer, that he did not challenge such a rant? He could not have been much of a scholar in that case. If he did not reply he justifies his anonymity.

I am not erudite enough to have read the dialogue in the original Greek, or Professor Khoury’s edited version of it. I can only go by the Pope’s speech in Germany. Some uncertainties can be explained by the distance of six centuries, as for instance the sentence that the conversation took place “perhaps in 1391 in the winter barracks near Ankara”. The fact that we are reading Manuel’s record, rather than the Persian’s, also explains why it lays more stress on the emperor’s view of theology.

What is aggravating is that the Pope has been free with assumptions, and liberal with its first cousin, innuendo. The peaceful piety of Manuel becomes an indictment of Islam, which is held to be violent in preference and doctrine. The innuendo is cleverly expressed, indicating that some effort has been taken to be clever. The well-known verse of the Quran, that “There is no compulsion in religion”, is juxtaposed with the proposition that “According to the experts, this is one of the Suras of the early period, when Mohammed was still powerless and under threat”.

The implication is that when he was not under threat, he drew out his sword and went on a rampage. This is the kind of propaganda that the Church used to put out with abandon in the early days, adding gratuitously comments about believers and “infidels”.

This is the line that those who have made it their business to hate Muslims, use till today. But the Vatican had stopped such vilification, and it is unfortunate that Pope Benedict has revived it.If he had consulted a few experts who understood Islam, he might have been better educated on “holy war”.

It is absolutely correct that no war verse was sent down to the Prophet during his Makkah phase. Despite the severest persecution, to the point where he almost lost his life, he never advocated violence. There are innumerable verses in the Quran extolling the merits of peace, and a peaceful solution to life’s problems — including a preference for peace over war. The Quran treats Christians and Jews as people of the Book, despite the fact that they did not accept the Prophet’s message. It praises Jesus as “Ruh-Allah”, or one touched by the spirit of Allah (this is the best translation I can think of). Mary, mother of Jesus, is accepted as virgin, although the Quran is equally clear that Jesus is a man, and not the son of God.

The war verses are sent to the Prophet only when he has been in Madina for some time, and become not only a leader of the community but also head of a multi-faith state. War, in other words, is permitted as an exercise in statecraft, and not for personal reasons, including persecution. Further, it is circumscribed with important conditions. Surely no one, including Pope Benedict, believes that a state cannot ever take recourse to war? Indeed, the history of the Vatican is filled with war. The Quran’s view of war, as an answer to injustice, certainly merits more understanding than censure.

Manuel’s view is better understood in the context of his times. He was monarch of a once-glorious but now dying empire. The Ottomans had been slicing off territory for centuries; the first Crusade had been called by Pope Urban II three centuries before to save the Byzantines from Muslim Turks. The heart of the empire, Constantinople, was now under serious threat. If Tamerlane (another Muslim) had not suddenly appeared from the east and decimated the Ottomans, Constantinople might have fallen during that siege which so depressed Manuel. It was hardly a moment when the Byzantine could have the most charitable view of an Islamic holy war.

What is less understandable is why Pope Benedict should endorse a fallacy. The present Pope is not a successor to the great and wise John Paul II. He is heir to predecessors like Pope Nicholas V who issued “The Bull Romanus Pontifex “ in January 1455. This Holy Father sought “to bestow favours and special graces on Catholic kings and princes, who ... not only restrain the savage excesses of the Saracens (that is, Muslims) and of other infidels, enemies of the Christian name, but also for the defence and increase of the faith vanquish them...” He then praises King Alfonso for going to remote places “to bring into the bosom of his faith the perfidious enemies of him and of the life-giving Cross by which we have been redeemed, name the Saracens and other infidels...

“And so on. This was the philosophy that created the Inquisition in which Muslims and Jews were killed and driven out of Catholic kingdoms in Spain and Portugal after the Christian reconquests. Do note that Muslims did not have any exclusive copyright over the use of the term “infidel”.

I have no particular desire to introduce 16th century dialectic into contemporary attempts to bridge inter-faith misunderstanding, but it is pertinent that Nicholas V became Pope some 60 years after Manuel’s conversations with the unnamed Persian. Equally, there is no point in quoting from, say, Dante’s rather bilious descriptions of the Prophet and Hazrat Ali for that language belongs to a different world. A suggestion to those who believe in an “international outcry”. Hyper reactions tend to suggest nervousness. Islam is not a weak doctrine; it is built on rock, not sand. Reason is a more effective weapon than anger.

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Doctors under influence


WHEN a patient gets a prescription from her doctor, she shouldn’t have to worry that the drug was selected because of a pharmaceutical company’s marketing skills. That’s why America’s Stanford University Medical Centre’s announcement last week that it’s no longer allowing physicians to accept gifts from pharmaceutical sales representatives is so refreshing. No more free lunches. No drug samples. Not even those cute mugs. It’s an austere measure that other medical centres should follow.

The relationship between pharmaceutical companies and physicians — their protestations to the contrary — is uncomfortably close. The drug industry doles out $21 billion a year in marketing (90 per cent directed at physicians), far more than it spends on consumer advertising. And it’s often money well spent; studies have shown that even small gifts increase doctors’ sense of obligation to pharmaceutical makers, especially free drug samples that clearly sway decisions to stick with expensive medications that often aren’t any more effective than cheaper competitors.

The drug industry says such bans, which also have been enacted in the last two years by Yale University and the University of Pennsylvania, will make it more difficult for doctors to interact with and learn from sales representatives. This is true. But so what? Drug reps typically keep physicians up to speed on pharmaceutical pipelines and medical research.

—Los Angeles Times

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