US nuclear policy in South Asia
By Shameem Akhtar
THE US Assistant secretary of state for South and central Asia, Richard Boucher, told the South Asian journalists that “Pakistan’s energy requirements and economic needs are different from those of India”. Therefore, he concluded that that the country should not expect similar arrangement the US had made with India. When asked when Pakistan would be able to share the nuclear technology with the US for civilian purposes, the answer was “now, in ten years, 20 years or 50 years. No, I don’t see anything like that on the cards for Pakistan”.
This seems to be the affirmed policy of the US which is based on the perception that India is emerging as an industrial country whose consumption of energy will be doubled during this decade. Therefore, it will have to diversify its source of energy supply by having recourse to alternative fuel. Justifying the nuclear deal with India George Bush argued that it was a boon for the environment and a way to cut the US gas price. Given George Bush’s opposition to the Kyoto Treaty, one is rather surprised to see that the deal has made him an enthusiastic environmentalist.
The US president and his team do not think that the transfer of civilian nuclear technology to India without fool-proof safeguards would accelerate India’s weaponisation programme because even if it were to bring 65 per cent of its nuclear plants under the non-proliferation regime, the remaining 35 per cent would be able to manufacture 50 nuclear bombs annually. But Richard Boucher thinks that once India opens 65 per cent of its civilian nuclear reactors for international inspection, the IAEA regime would ultimately cover 90 per cent facilities.
What is the basis for this optimism, especially when India has refused to stop its production of fissile material-plutonium and highly enriched uranium during the negotiations culminating in the July agreement with the US over the nuclear cooperation, one may ask. Further, the Bush administration dropped its insistence on India’s submitting all its power-generating nuclear reactors to IAEA safeguards, leaving only two breeder reactors outside the NPT regime.
Even this arrangement, opines Robert J. Einhorn, the former assistant secretary of state, during 1999 and 2001, would have enabled India to produce sufficient plutonium for making seven to ten bombs annually. Again, under the March 2 India-US nuclear agreement, India can construct reactors in the future and they will be outside the international safeguard regime.
What havoc the US-India nuclear energy cooperation agreement can play with the NPT can be judged by the fact that Russia has agreed to supply fuel to India’s Tarapur plant, a deal that was blocked by the US but has come through, thanks to the above-mentioned agreement. It is ridiculous for the Bush administration to remonstrate against Moscow for not holding up the deal until the Senate ratification of the India-US agreement. For George Bush has sought to stay the 45-member Nuclear Suppliers’ Group until the Congressional clearance.
The US administration has been pushing the Congressmen to approve of the controversial agreement without any condition for fear that any reopening of the negotiations might derail the agreement itself. Clearly, quite a few American lawmakers have voiced their concern over the transfer of nuclear technology to India because of its implication for the non-proliferation regime.
For instance, Rep. Henry J. Hyde, the Republican chairman of the house international relations committee, believes that the members of Congress “may seek conditions for its approval” while the Democrat Rep. from Massachusetts has openly opposed the treaty because it may trigger the proliferation of nuclear weapons with China, Iran and others following suit. To quote him, “It is a domino effect that will lead to complete collapse of the nuclear proliferation regime”.
The question is: when George Bush is opposed to allowing Iran to conduct research in the minimal enrichment of uranium under the IAEA inspection, why is he abetting India in incremental production of nuclear weapons? One can understand the US concern about what it calls the clandestine nuclear weapons manufacturing activities of Iran and Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, but one fails to understand the US refusal to provide nuclear technology for peaceful purposes to Pakistan. To say that Pakistan’s need for nuclear fuel is not the same as that of India does not sound convincing.
A cursory glance at Pakistan’s rising oil import bills and their impact on the country’s balance of trade and foreign exchange reserve would indicate its pressing need for alternative sources of energy. Pakistan’s total need for crude oil is about 240,000 barrels a day and it imports around 177,000 barrels of oil while it produces 63,000 barrels per day.
In addition, Pakistan imports 45,000 barrels a day from Dubai, 15,000 barrels from Qatar and 6,000 barrels from Iran. Thus oil was the second largest item to be imported at the cost of 3.033 billion dollars in July-December, 2005. It was next to machinery that cost 3.496 billion dollars.
Thus, it is crystal clear that our existing foreign exchange reserves of 12.5 billion dollars can ill afford to meet our total import bill for six months amounting to $13.65 billion. Pakistan will be needing 8,800 megawatt electricity soon. As compared to this, India’s position is not as precarious. In the light of this balance sheet, it is Pakistan and not India that deserves cheap nuclear energy producing facility.
Another argument against transfer of nuclear energy technology to Pakistan is that its track record of proliferation is such that it cannot be trusted with any dual-use technology, especially the nuclear one. This argument has some force, given the shady deals with foreign powers in certain components and the blueprints for making the bomb, but the Musharraf government has taken prompt and stringent measures to bust the racket.
However, the US and western powers are not satisfied with the action taken by the government. Nor are they convinced about Islamabad’s counter-terrorist operation against the remnants of the deposed Taliban regime in Afghanistan allegedly hiding in Pakistan. In vain did the Musharraf government go to extreme lengths to catch, kill and deliver the suspects to the US amidst accusations of violation of human rights and extradition laws. It is a constant blackmail of the Musharraf government by its allies. It is about time this blame game stopped.
The West knows how Israel got the bomb and has, according to CIA estimate, piled up 400 atom bombs and keeps threatening its neighbours to strike. When Mordechai Vanunu, an Israeli nuclear technician, made a sensational disclosure in 1986 about the Israel’s bomb-making, it was as scandalous a news as that of Dr Qadir’s network. But neither the IAEA nor the standard bearers of non-proliferation took any notice of the crime. Instead, poor Vanunu was abducted from London via Rome en route to Israel, tried for high treason and sentenced to 18 years in prison by an Israeli court.
Neither the US nor its western allies admonished Israel for its clandestine bomb-making and violation of human rights. No chancellery of the West ever demanded of Israel to sign the NPT and dismantle its nuclear weapons industry. Why would they do so when France and later the US had helped Israel make the bomb?
Another tale of proliferation is of India. According to Joseph Crincione of Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Canada provided a nuclear reactor to India on the latter’s pledge to use it only for peaceful purposes but it reneged on its undertaking and took out fuel rod and detonated its first nuclear device in 1974, denying that it was a bomb. Later, it developed its nuclear weapons surreptitiously and exploded the bomb in May 1998, overturning the balance of power in the region.
Thus imperilled, Pakistan had to counter it in kind amidst the outcry of Islamic bomb by the western media. So much about India’s trustworthiness about the super-bomb. Now the US with its discriminatory nuclear policy in South Asia, is deliberately contributing to India’s nuclear weapons manufacturing programme in order to put it against China.
This is a dangerous policy which will unleash nuclear arms race not only in Asia but further afield involving Brazil, Argentina, Venezuela and others.
The Pakistan foreign office and the foreign minister have refused to accept the discriminatory US nuclear policy which they see as a prescription for proliferation and arms race.


