Of peace parleys & hollow US assurances
By Qudssia Akhlaque
ISLAMABAD: The Liaquat-Nehru pact regarding rights of the minorities in India and Pakistan reached 56 years ago found an echo at the recently concluded Indo-Pakistan foreign secretary-level talks in New Delhi. It was the Pakistani delegation that made a pointed reference to this agreement signed on April 8, 1950 by the then prime minister of India, Jawaharlal Nehru, and the prime minister of Pakistan, Liaquat Ali Khan.
The reference to the pact came up when Pakistan’s foreign secretary told his hosts to refrain from commenting on the Balochistan situation to avoid giving the impression of interfering in Pakistan’s internal affairs. The foreign secretary warned the Indian side that the consequences could entail derailing of the ongoing peace process.
However, the Indian side defended its position by stating that Pakistan had also raised similar concerns about the Hindu-Muslim riots in Ayodhya and Gujarat in the past. It was at this point that foreign secretary Riaz Mohammad Khan reminded his Indian counterpart that the Liaquat-Nehru Pact granted Pakistan this right. He asserted that Pakistan was within its rights under this agreement to raise its voice against incidents like Gujarat and Ayodhya which targeted Indian Muslims.
The agreement notes at the outset: “The governments of India and Pakistan solemnly agree that each shall ensure, to the minorities throughout its territory, complete equality of citizenship, irrespective of religion, a full sense of security in respect of life, culture, property and personal honour, freedom of movement within each country and freedom of occupation, speech and worship, subject to law and morality. The Prime Minister of India has drawn attention to the fact that these rights are guaranteed to all minorities in India by its Constitution.”
This pact was made with the Indian government to protect and further safeguard the rights of minorities following the state of tension that had arisen between Pakistan and India in what was then East Pakistan after economic relations between the two countries were severed in December 1949.
It seems India’s unsolicited comments on Balochistan were an attempt by the Indian establishment to give Pakistan a taste of its own medicine vis-a-vis Kashmir. This is summed up in an article that appeared in the Indian daily Pioneer on January 19 titled: To Pak’s K volley, India comes up with Balochistan.
The author of the article, Shobori Ganguli, writes: “Balochistan has finally given India the bargaining chip it lacked when it came to dealing with Pakistan’s weapon of terrorism in Kashmir.” Brushing aside Pakistan’s threat to walk out of the peace process if India did not exercise restraint on the Balochistan issue as “easier said than done” given the intense international focus on it, the author says: “This gives India ample space to flog Pakistan over the ‘situation’ in Balochistan the way Pakistan talks of the ‘situation’ in Kashmir.”
In the end, the inaugural session of the third round of the composite dialogue was more an opportunity for clearing the air and venting concerns than taking concrete steps to resolve outstanding issues. It was more about straight-talking and reiteration of the respective positions on Kashmir and allegations of cross-border terrorism. While Pakistan conveyed the message that this was a “challenging and crucial” round that must show progress on the Kashmir issue, the Indian side talked about Kashmir being an integral part of India and the Indian government not having the mandate to cede territory.
The latest round provides probably the best indicator of the direction that the peace process is headed insofar as the Kashmir issue is concerned. It has been confined to normalization and confidence building with little movement towards dispute resolution.
The two sides are not getting anywhere beyond the rhetoric of their oft-repeated commitment to carry forward a “substantive dialogue” on the key issue of Kashmir.
A final settlement is a far cry as one party is reluctant to even discuss interim measures towards a settlement. The Indian side has not been receptive to the proposals of demilitarization and self-governance in Kashmir that have been widely welcomed by the Kashmiri leadership and the people of Kashmir on both sides of the Line of Control.
Apparently the Indian side advocated “better coordination” between the two Kashmirs and floated some ideas at the talks that were not compatible with Pakistan’s proposals on Kashmir. More so, these ideas seemed to be geared towards maintaining the status quo that is not acceptable to Pakistan and Kashmiris, the two other parties to the dispute.
US ASSURANCE: There has been much talk in diplomatic circles here about the so-called “US assurance” after the Jan 13 Bajaur incident that killed civilians including women and children. While President Pervez Musharraf and Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz have both talked about getting such an assurance, no one from the Bush administration including the US president has even mentioned anything about it.
The prime minister told reporters in Washington that he was assured by the US administration that in future there would be better “coordination”, and the president declared in Oslo that Washington had assured Islamabad that it would “not act against Pakistan’s interest”.
According to the Foreign Office spokesperson, this assurance was given at a “very high level” but we still don’t know who actually gave it. Clearly, it does not convey the sense that a categorical assurance has been held out to the Pakistani leadership that there will be no repetition of such an incidenit. And this is not surprising given that there has been no word of apology or regret from Washington despite Pakistan’s protest and condemnation.
While the US president and his key aides have been going on endlessly about the commendable role Pakistan has been playing in the war on terror, the mainstream American media has unleashed a vicious campaign against Pakistan for not doing enough on this count.
One US newspaper, the Washington Post, took it too far when it not only supported the recent Bajaur strike but literally advocated more of the same. No reference being made, of course, to ‘collateral damage’. Notably this offensive coincided with the prime minister’s first official visit to the US where he emphatically declared that Pakistan was a nuclear power and would not be bullied by anyone.
The tone of the Post editorial accorded with the drawl of a cowboy holding a smoking gun, and to think that it was published in one of America’s most influential newspapers.
One view is that the scathing criticism of Pakistan’s role in the war against terrorism in mainstream American newspapers reflects the actual thinking of the US establishment. The bottom line of it may be: the US has had enough and now it will go about its own way to ‘smoke out’ Al Qaeda operatives from their holes in Pakistan even if it means another Bajaur-like incident. Perhaps that also explains the ‘silence’ of the Bush administration on the Bajaur episode.


