Vajpayee’s nuclear winter
By Jawed Naqvi
“I’M NOT sure what weapons will be used in World War III, but World War IV will be fought with sticks and stones,” said Albert Einstein. There are of course other valid reasons also to be wary of nuclear weapons. History has shown, when the time comes, nuclear prowess can neither save governments that harness it nor ensure the survival of nation states that exult in its false security. India marked the seventh year of its misplaced nuclear tests last week. One instructive way of looking at the event could be that it was the first anniversary of the1998 tests when their author, the mighty BJP, was wallowing in oblivion, worsened by a debilitating factious war.
True it has taken six scorching long years for the mindlessly jingoist party to be given the boot. But the fact is that it was thrown out in a shock verdict by the very people it pretended to protect from goodness knows what. In any case there is ample hint here that by conducting the May 11 and 13 tests in Pokharan, the BJP was neither able to endear itself to the popular will of India nor did it become apolitically invincible party it had set out to become.
For lesser mortals like Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, who could not resist the lure of tit-for-tat patriotic fervour, the lesson from history was harsher still. His nemesis came in military uniform to hoist him by his own petard. Mr Sharif could survive in power for no more than one mere anniversary of his rush of blood. Worse, his post Chaghai months were tainted for the most part by political miscalculations as also by a widely condemned military brinkmanship that came with the Kargil standoff. Closer home, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi had to use an unpopular emergency route to rule India in the summer of 1976, exactly two years after she inaugurated India’s first atom bomb.
Here was a mighty leader, deified as Durga, the goddess of power, by Mr Vajpayee no less for her part in the creation of Bangladesh in1971. What then forced her to rush into a nuclear test in 1974? If it was for the good of the country as everyone claims the people of India seem to have missed the point. For they summarily rejected her when she did hold the elections in 1977. Mr. Vajpayee too had lost three key state elections for his party — in Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Delhi — within four months of Pokharan II. If the two self-deluding leaders of South Asia – Messrs Sharif and Vajpayee — who bequeathed to their nations a dangerous and risky nuclear legacy have been dispatched to political oblivion, the fiendish illusion of nuclear weapons had conjured fatal tricks even earlier. The crumbling into pieces of the mighty Soviet Union less than a decade before the advent of South Asia nuclear upstarts remains a prime example of the hollow prowess of nuclear weapons. Here was a superpower, with 3,800 strategic offensive nuclear warheads in its arsenal, that lay spread-eagled. Is the United States with 4,500 such warheads any more secure as a nation because of its nuclear arsenal?
Robert McNamara, secretary of state with President Kennedy, was privileged to have a cockpit view of the Cuban missile crisis of October 1962 when the world, according to him, “came within a hair’s breadth of nuclear disaster.”
Today Mr McNamara has become a staunch critic of what he admits is his country’s hypocritical approach to nuclear disarmament at the ongoing NPT review conference. He feels that even as the United States goes around prohibiting some selected countries from acquiring nuclear weapons, many are not sure if the United States has a legitimate argument.
“Keeping such large numbers of weapons, and maintaining them on hair-trigger alert, are potent signs that the United States is not seriously working toward the elimination of its arsenal and raises troubling questions as to why any other state should restrain its nuclear ambitions,” Mr. McNamara observes in the latest Foreign Policy journal.
Mr McNamara worked on issues relating to US and Nato nuclear strategy and war plans for more than 40 years. “During that time, I have never seen a piece of paper that outlined a plan for the United States or Nato to initiate the use of nuclear weapons with any benefit for the United States or Nato. I have made this statement in front of audiences, including Nato defence ministers and senior military leaders, many times. No one has ever refuted it.”
As India and Pakistan continue to gloat over their supposedly foolproof nuclear command and control system, Mr. McNamara indicates that these could be tall claims. He illustrates the point with examples to show how nearly impossible it could be to avoid accident seven for the more experienced nuclear powers. “Only a few years ago did we learn that the four Soviet submarines trailing the US Naval vessels near Cuba each carried torpedoes with nuclear warheads,” he recalls. “Each of the sub commanders had the authority to launch his torpedoes. The situation was even more frightening because, as the lead commander recounted to me, the subs were out of communication with their Soviet bases, and they continued their patrols for four days after Khrushchev announced the withdrawal of the missiles from Cuba.” Mr. Vajpayee complained recently that as former premier he has not much work to do. Well, as he wades through the political equivalent of a self-inflicted nuclear winter, Mr. Vajpayee would do well to ponder the disastrous consequences of his indiscretions of May 1998, which still reverberate menacingly across a seriously worried world.
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INDIA and Pakistan have been named as two of the seven countries sending under-aged children to the United Arab Emirates as camel jockeys, a news report says. An agreement has been signed between the interior ministry and UNICEF to rehabilitate the child jockeys. The other five countries identified as exporting camel jockeys besides India and Pakistan are Sudan, Bangladesh, Eritrea, Somalia and Mauritania. Email: jawednaqvi@gmail.com


A chain of food parks
By Aileen Qaiser
IT is a shame that we can’t even seem to be able to manage properly one simple food park — the Melody Food Park — which was opened in August 2001 much to the culinary delight of citizens of the twin cities of Islamabad-Rawalpindi. Nearly four years later now, instead of thriving and flourishing, the first ever food park in the capital is practically under threat of closure because of controversy regarding the appointments and salary payments of a hundred over waiters employed there.
Such a controversy would not have arisen if the contractual agreements with the waiters had been properly decided beforehand and implemented accordingly. Apparently, this was not the case.
What seems to be lacking is the determination to make a success out of Melody Food Park. The initial idea of adding live musical and cultural performances in the evenings to attract more customers to the food park has also evaporated into thin air.
If this is the state of Islamabad’s first food park, how well can we expect the second one that is supposed to be coming up in Blue Areas to be run?
Perhaps, we could take a lesson or two in food park management and operations from Singapore, the island republic which our prime minister and his entourage visited during their recent Asean tour. Singapore has developed a specialized expertise in the management of food parks (or food court as it is known in Singapore). If there was a world statistic on the number of food courts per square kilometre, Singapore would probably have the highest density of food courts!
No decent shopping centre in Singapore is without a food court. This is a self-service centralized eating place located usually in the basements of the numerous shopping centres dotted across the island.
These food courts are well decorated and airconditioned, each comprising anything between 10 to 30 individual stalls selling a wide variety of local and international cuisine. The food courts’ counter staff are well-trained in standard procedures of food preparation and display, as well as in the management of customers.
These food courts, which are usually jam-packed with customers during lunch and dinner times, are run by several chain food court firms, the two most famous of which are Food Junction and Kopitiam (a term meaning coffee shop in the local dialect).
So successful are these food courts in Singapore that they provide very tough competition to the international fastfood chains, like KFC, McDonald’s, Pizza Hut and Deli France, which are also located in the same shopping centres but not within the food court premises.
An article last year in a Singapore newspaper featuring the chief executive officer (CEO) of one of the two major food-court chains described him as a very wealthy man who did not need the job materially but was in it simply because he found the task of making his company thrive, a challenging one. The CEO’s daily work routine began at 6.30am with him sitting at one of his food courts sipping his morning coffee and chatting with the cleaners. He did this because he found the feedback from the cleaners very useful in helping him to improve the facilities and the environment in his food courts.
But food courts did not exist in Singapore four decades ago. The trend then was the roadside mobile hawker selling his food on a bicycle cart. The government banned these roadside hawkers as part of its urban development policy in the 1960s because these hawkers were hard to licence and their level of hygiene could not be monitored.
However, the government saved the local food heritage by undertaking the cost of new public infrastructure to house these hawkers. Thus in the 1970s and 1980s emerged the (non-airconditioned) hawker centres in selected locations in the housing estates where the roadside hawkers gave up their migratory existence and settled into stalls in the hawker centres. Not only did the hygiene level of the food improve but customers also benefited from having proper dining facilities like tables and chairs as well as a wide variety of choice of food.
It was in the 1990s that private firms in Singapore started the food court chain business in the mushrooming shopping centres, providing people with extra comfort — airconditioning, piped music and pleasant decor, while dining.
In the case of Islamabad, while Melody Food Park seems to be steering into troubled waters because of mismanagement, the establishment of a second food park in Blue Area also seems to be stalled. The Capital Development Authority (CDA) had promised months ago that this second food park would be completed, and the affected portion of the service road in the vicinity was cordoned off to traffic for this purpose. But until now, no semblance of the second food park is in sight.
Even before the Melody Food Park was established, there was already a tussle between those interested in having the food park at Melody and those interested in having it in Blue Area. But what’s wrong with having food parks at Melody and Blue Area? There is no dearth of food lovers in the twin cities. Rather food lovers are growing as the desire among people to throng the markets for shopping and thus eating grows.
In fact, there is a need for food parks to be established at every major market in the different sectors, like F-7 Jinnah Market, F-6 Supermarket, F-10 Markaz, etc. CDA has recently improved the eating facilities at the quadrangle courtyard in Jinnah Supermarket by putting up tables and chairs for customers. But there is also a need to have more food stalls here offering a much wider choice of cuisine than the existing fruit chat, burger, chicken prata and ice-cream.
If the private sector is capable of running local franchises of international fastfood chains like McDonald’s, KFC and Pizza Hut, the private sector can certainly also manage and run a successful chain of food parks in the main bazaars of the capital.

