Gilgit is once again bleeding. The situation turned ugly on January 8 when Agha Ziaudin Rizvi, a prominent religious leader, was injured in an attack; he succumbed to his injuries on Thursday.
This incident angered the supporters of Mr Rizvi, and they unleashed a spree of killing and violence. The mob, spearheaded by weapon-brandishing youths, killed 12 people while property worth millions, including dozens of vehicles, was damaged and burned. Curfew was imposed and the military was called out to help the administration restore order.
The situation remains tense and the people are living in a state of fear and panic. Many, including women and children, are stranded at different places. They have no contact with their families and little hope of reaching them homes owing to the curfew.
The shortage of food items and fuel for cooking and heating purposes in the harsh, cold weather is yet another problem the people have to face, not to mention the suffering of the sick, who have no way of reaching a doctor or procuring medicine.
The government has completely failed to protect the life and property of the citizens. It has not learnt from the experience of June 2004 when a weeklong curfew was imposed after bloody clashes erupted over the issue of the Islamiat syllabus, and has not put in place any contingency plan to deal with such kinds of eventualities.
Disregarding the inconvenience to the people, and instead of cracking down on the troublemakers, the Gilgit administration's routine method of handling similar crises is to impose a curfew in the area.
This has become the way of governance. The administration should ensure the writ of law, instead of following a policy that is tantamount to one of appeasement. Miscreants and criminals must be nabbed and punished, and the victims appropriately compensated.
The military/civil administration that has an effective monitoring role in the Northern Areas, must be held accountable, and heads should roll for not ensuring security in the sensitive region.
All efforts must be made to apprehend the attackers and pinpoint the reasons behind the assassination attempt. Likewise, nobody should be allowed to get away by giving the pretext of being caught up in the mob violence.
What must also be eliminated is the dangerous trend of well-organized teenagers armed with lethal weapons carrying out executions behind the smokescreen of mob violence.
The history of Gilgit's sectarian violence goes back to the eighties. Not many know of the hundreds killed and the property worth millions destroyed. Neither is there any indication of how many of the culprits were arrested and how many punished.
This state of affairs is primarily the result of the low priority accorded to the area by successive governments who have adhered to a consistent policy of sweeping serious issues under the carpet instead of addressing them.
While the administration knows only too well that the area is prone to sectarian violence, it has not taken any concrete steps to prevent flare-ups of the kind witnessed recently. This reflects the apathy of the administration that has become hostage to a few miscreants with vested interests.
Gilgit-Baltistan deserves a full-time government. The present chief executive, the minister for Kana (Kashmir Affairs and Northern Areas Affairs) cannot function from Islamabad.
Executive powers must be transferred to locally elected representatives in Gilgit, and a strong governor appointed for supervision. There is no mention or any reference of Gilgit-Baltistan (Northern Areas) either in the Constitution of Pakistan nor in the interim constitution of Azad and Jammu Kashmir. The area remains a classic example of constitutional neglect.
The Northern Areas Legislative Council (NALC) elections ended without any real transfer of power to the elected members because the minister for Kana remains the chief executive, and constitutional and other rights for the people of the area remain low on the priority agenda. There are no signs of even introducing a local government system.
Kana continues to play the role of an obstructionist and enjoys undisputed monopoly over the area and its people. The ever-increasing legitimate demand by the people for an interim constitutional status, until the settlement of the Kashmir imbroglio, has been falling on deaf ears, despite a clear verdict by Supreme Court in 1999 on the issue.
Meanwhile, focusing on the present state of affairs, the administration needs to initiate a damage control exercise to bring the law and order situation in Gilgit strictly under its control. This can only be achieved if the administration makes an all out effort to apprehend those behind the present mayhem, without any discrimination.
At the same time, it should plan and distribute a comprehensive compensation package for the families of those killed and injured, and for those whose property and vehicles have been damaged in the violence.
The curfew should be relaxed to enable the people to purchase supplies and to allow stranded individuals to reach their homes. Above all, the government must start working on plans to prevent the outbreak of future violence of this sort.
Tsunamis of two sorts
By Huck Gutman
The world's largest seismic dislocation since the 1940s, which occurred in the Indian Ocean on December 26, was catastrophic. When two tectonic plates shifted under the Andaman Sea they created a tsunami of terrible intensity, wreaking immense destruction in Sumatra, Thailand, Sri Lanka, India, even the east coast of Africa.
As each day has passed, casualty figures mount and mount. At first, 20,000 deaths were reported; the death toll has now climbed to 150,000. Five million are reported homeless. There is every reason to believe that both figures will increase as rescue workers reach areas as yet unsurveyed.
World response has been swift and generous. Offers of aid - food, money, transport - have led to huge rescue operations and the relatively swift provision of food and clean water.
Even in the United States, where the generosity of the people far outstrips the miserly commitment to human welfare of the current business-oriented political establishment, President Bush was forced by public opinion to increase US contributions to the relief effort from $35 million to $350 million.
Private donations augment public funds, and help for the two most severely hit nations, Indonesia and Sri Lanka, is well under way. The tsunami and the vast devastation it occasioned have caught the attention of the world.
Nature, many have realized, is not to be controlled: it continually reminds us that human life is contingent. At the same time, billions have understood, watching images on television or listening to eyewitness reports on radio, that we are all united on this globe we inhabit.
Tragedies which occur in one part of our planet affect us all by reminding us that those made wretched could, but for the grace of accident or fate, be ourselves.
The earthquake has also revealed to many a difference between more developed nations, which have put in place tsunami warning stations in the Pacific (and have communications infrastructure able to make use of such warnings), and less developed nations, which do not have such easy access to funding, and therefore, have made such warning stations a low priority. Despite the fact that we live on one globe, disasters have more severe repercussions in impoverished nations than wealthy ones.
Still, another tsunami - metaphorical but no less real - has crested beyond the shores of the nations of the world, and is heading toward those shores, threatening devastation to both underdeveloped and developed nations.
It will spare India and China, but will wreak havoc on Bangladesh, Cambodia, Indonesia, possibly Pakistan, and a host of other nations, not excepting the United States. The worst consequences will come in the poorest places.
About this tsunami, not natural in origin but humanly created, and therefore capable of being prevented by human intervention, there is little public recognition and almost no outcry of concern. Indeed, dominant financial interests have made certain that no steps will be taken to prevent the destruction that it will occasion.
In 1973 a Multi-Fibre Agreement (MFA) set international textile quotas, providing a large number of developing nations with access to new manufacturing sectors and, more important, enabling them to generate large numbers of new jobs. Those quotas expired on January 1.
The ensuing new economy of textiles will transform the world. New wealth will be amassed, new jobs created. And millions of current workers, some in the most impoverished areas of the world, will be permanently thrown out of work. (Business Week reported that the end of MFA quotas could mean losses of 30 million jobs.)
The nations inhabited by these newly and soon-to-be unemployed will likely plunge into a downward economic spiral unlike anything those nations have experienced in recent decades.
What is so appalling is that this tsunami, created by greed and an ideological commitment to 'free trade,' can be prevented. But there are few warning systems in place: the mass media and even the intellectual centres in universities serve the interests of the rich and powerful. And when the tidal wave of massive unemployment occurs it will not be - picturesque enough to appear on television screens.
Yet the suffering brought about by this tidal wave of unemployment and the national economic catastrophes which ensue will quite literally dwarf the immense suffering which has been the consequence of the historic tsunami in the Indian Ocean.
Textile manufacture, and what it can do to working people, is far less photogenic than natural disaster. For almost two and a half centuries the textile industry has been a mixed blessing, providing employment on a large scale - but almost always at low wages and in extremely difficult working conditions.
Let's step back a moment and look at a broad swath of economic history. The production of textiles and apparel can be called, with good reason, the great motor of economic development.
The industrial revolution began in Britain, occasioned by the invention of the spinning jenny and the mechanical shuttle, which in the 18th century made it possible for machines to do much of the work historically performed by human hands.
It is fruitless to argue whether Britain's navy or its textile manufacture or its banks made that nation into a great imperial power: the navy protected and expanded the shipping routes which were essential to textile trade, and the textile trade created the profits which enriched the London banks and underwrote the costs of the world's most potent navy.
Likewise, Germany's emergence as a world power in the 19th century was also based on the textile industry - although not in textile manufacture directly. Germany's development of the chemical dyes which supplanted plant-based dyes in textile manufacture created not just great profits, but also a strong chemical industry which served as the industrial armature for one of the world's great producers of munitions. Two world wars were the indirect results.
But textile industry jobs - both the production of cloth, and the sewing of fabric into clothing - have been, since the onset of the industrial revolution, low-paying jobs.
As industrialists turned their attention to high-priced items, first cars and then electronics, they shipped low-paying textile jobs to underdeveloped areas internally and then externally.
For example, immigrant communities in the north of the US, and later low-wage agrarian areas of the American south, had an influx of such jobs; when labour costs rose, those jobs were sent to low wage nations overseas.
Under the 1973 MFA, with its set-asides to enable nations to achieve a small slice of market share of the world need for clothing, underdeveloped nation after underdeveloped nation used clothing manufacture as a means to provide jobs to its poorest citizens.
Four years ago, wanting to write a report on what international clothing manufacture looks like in the daily life in a developed nation, I visited a local Wal-Mart (the world's largest chain of stores) and began reading labels in clothing. Poland, the Maldives, Sri Lanka, Egypt, Guatemala, Nepal, Turkey, Kenya, the Philippines. The list ran on and on, to over 50 countries.
As Mark Weisbrot, an economist with Washington's Centre for Economic and Policy Research said recently, "These quotas were there for a reason, so that some of the poorest developing countries would have a chance to have an apparel and textile industry and use that as a stepping stone for development."
Textile manufacture provides jobs, but the jobs are a mixed blessing. To be sure, weavers and more importantly today sewers earn wages, which enables those workers to enter into and even survive in a cash economy. But textile workers have, since the origin of textile factories in Britain in the 18th century, always and everywhere been lowly paid and badly exploited.
This is not the place to argue whether the location of exploitative shops in Bangladesh and El Salvador and Kenya are good or bad for those national economies. Certainly, the textile industry provides not just large numbers of jobs, it also provides important new sources of the foreign exchange so necessary for a nation's economic well-being and development.
Yet, for every increased dollar of needed foreign currency which flows into those nations, new problems emerge: the uncontrolled growth of cities, gruelling labour, the expansion of urban poverty, dramatic new inequities of wealth.
The largest benefits from textiles and apparel accrue to those who own textile and clothing factories, and in the post-modern world, to those huge multinational conglomerates which merchandize and sell clothing.
In developed nations, and increasingly in developing ones, the "value added" which comes through advertising brand names is far, far higher, in many products, than the value of the raw materials, weaving, and sewing which go into those products.
The profits on the manufacture of this clothing make a small group of entrepreneurs rich. Let us look, for instance, at Nike, the world's wealthiest maker of sports shoes and sports clothing.
Here is a fiscal analysis by the US-based National Labour Committee: "Nike sneakers made in China by young women paid 20 cents an hour arrive in the US with a total customs value of $14.61. That $14.61 includes every conceivable expense - the materials, labour, shipping, and the profit to Nike's contractor in China."
That profit to the contractor is not inconsiderable: it has been the driving force behind the growth of the new wealth in China. "Nike then turns around and sells the sneakers in the US for $135, which represents a 924 per cent mark-up."
What labour earns is pitifully small, especially as compared to the profits made by the multinational conglomerates, as another example reveals: a worker in the Dominican Republic who sews a sweatshirt for Nike earns eight cents ($0.08 dollar) for a garment which retails in the US for $22.99. Now, with the expiration of the Multi-Fibre Agreement quotas, the world enters a new era, one of global free trade in textiles and clothing.
(To be concluded)
The writer was Ful bright Visiting Professor of English at Kolkata University. He teaches at the University of Vermont, US.