Logic of a long-term relationship
The sentiments expressed by the new American ambassador with regard to his country's ties with Pakistan seem to take into account the mistakes the two sides have made in their half a century of love-hate relationship. Talking to newsmen in Islamabad the other day, Mr Ryan C. Crocker said the US wanted to develop with Pakistan a relationship that was free from expediency and exigencies of time. Allied once again in the war on terror, Pakistan and the US have not come together for the first time.
The chequered history of their cooperation in economic and military fields began in the fifties when Pakistan joined the US-led chain of military alliances. It not only became a member of Seato and Cento, it also had a bilateral military relationship with the US. Pakistan announced its adherence to the Eisenhower doctrine - which stipulated an American military response in case a country was subjected to communist aggression or there was a pro-communist coup - and thus became America's "most allied ally".
However, from the very beginning there was a divergence of views with regard to the raison d'etre of the military relationship. For America, Pakistan was just one of the members in the military alliances whose aim was to check the communist threat. For Pakistan, the primary aim was to acquire arms and seek security against a hostile militarily stronger India. Initially, the relationship served their common interests.
Pakistan received heavy doses of military and economic aid, while the US was able to maintain a military base in Pakistan. The famous U-2 plane, piloted by Gary Powers, that was shot down in the USSR while on a spying mission, had flown from a base near Peshawar.
The warmth disappeared gradually as Pakistan drew closer to China. The relationship hit a new low when Washington cut off military spares to Islamabad during the 1965 war with India. It was thus left for the USSR to invade Afghanistan and become instrumental in a new military relationship between Washington and Islamabad.
Once again Pakistan became the recipient of America's economic and military aid, as Washington looked the other way while Islamabad pursued its nuclear weapons programme. The chief characteristic of this relationship was America's sponsorship of the anti-Soviet jihad in Afghanistan, while this country served as a conduit for the CIA's overt and covert military aid to anti-Soviet forces.
Once the Soviet Union withdrew, America clamped sanctions on Pakistan. The Pressler amendment went into effect, and this not only cut off all aid to Pakistan, the delivery of the F-16s which Pakistan had already paid for was stopped.
The terrorist attacks in New York and Washington in September 2001 once again brought the two countries together. Pakistan is again receiving US military and economic aid and is a "front-line" ally of the US. Yet Pakistanis rightly fear that this phase, too, could turn out to be transient. Against this background, the American envoy's view seems to indicate a realization on the part of Washington of the need for creating a new and durable relationship with this country.
One of Pakistan's major assets is its geographical location. Situated at the meeting place of South Asia, Central Asia and the Gulf region, Pakistan can contribute to the peace and security of an area in which the US has vital economic and strategic interests.
Pakistan has friendly relations with all regional states, and it is also trying to open a new chapter in its relations with India. America obviously should encourage Pakistan in its desire for a detente with India and for a Kashmir solution that would be acceptable to the people of Kashmir.
One factor that stands in the way of a more active regional role by Pakistan is this country's internal scene. Its social indicators are among the lowest in the world, and it has yet to launch a determined drive to spread education, extend health care to its citizens, remove poverty, and improve the quality of life of its people. More important, it has to set its house in order politically and build democratic institutions.
Without a system based on the principles of constitutionalism and federalism, Pakistan will never be able to achieve political stability. In his talk, Mr Crocker emphasized the economic aspect of the three-billion dollar aid package to Pakistan, and said what his country wanted was Pakistan's "wholesome uplift". The view is unexceptionably correct. Indeed, what this country needs is sustained efforts to get out of the poverty trap, reach a certain level of technological development, and give the people a standard of living commensurate with its potential.
The confluence of their views on such matters as the war on terror, the long over-due reforms in madressahs, and the overriding need for this country's all-round development bode well for their future relationship. It is on the basis of these common perceptions and interests that the two countries can build a new and durable relationship that would not be tied to expediency and transient national interests.
Progress on Gwadar
The completion of the first phase of the $248 million Gwadar seaport project, which is being built with Chinese help, is good news. The Chinese president is expected to join President Musharraf in inaugurating the port later this month. The commissioning of the Gwadar port is expected to give a boost to economic activity in the region which has remained trapped in poverty and backwardness.
However, for the project to realize its full potential, the infrastructure should be in place to ensure that shipments of incoming and outgoing goods are handled with the minimum of hassles. For this to happen, Gwadar must not only be serviced by a modern and efficient highway network and transport facilities but the town itself should be planned in a manner that allows it to function efficiently. The government needs to engage experienced architects to plan a city befitting the vision that the authorities have of Gwadar.
The commercial and industrial sections of the town must be situated away from the residential and recreational areas. Provision must be made for parks and playgrounds. This is a unique opportunity for the government to build a town with modern and efficient facilities and services.
For Gwadar to be a success, more needs to be done on several fronts. For one, the people of Balochistan must be given the opportunity to share in its development as well as benefit from its prosperity. Particular attention needs to be paid to developing indigenous human skills and resources so that there is a feeling of involvement amongst the local population.
On the development of the port city itself, more attention needs to be paid to ensuring that it does not turn into another chaotic and badly planned urban connurbation. Finally, political parties should not exploit local misgivings about development in Gwadar to get even with the government. Gwadar is a project of national importance and its development is a priority that should not be obstructed by turning it into a focal point of divisive politics.





























