A bill has been moved in the National Assembly seeking to take civilian appointments to Inter-Services Intelligence out of the purview of the Federal Public Service Commission. These appointments, the bill proposes, should be made by the intelligence agency itself "in the larger interest of the country" - a catchall phrase now so frequently invoked that it is losing all its meaning.
The ISI is the military's overall intelligence outfit and is besides similar intelligence units in each of the services - the air force, the navy and the army. There are also civilian intelligence agencies as part of the police set-up. Key appointments to ISI are already made by the military; what the bill seeks to do is to let the agency recruit people directly from the civilian sector for posts in Grade 16 and above.
How it recruits civilians at present is hazy, like so much else with such 'sensitive' spy outfits. But apparently the appointments are vetted by the FPSC. Removing this check might mean letting ISI have a free hand to scout for people on the campus and other areas of civilian activity with all its consequences. It will further limit the accountability factor.
But the public debate about ISI has not been about its recruitment policy but its operational parameters and its jurisdiction. It has over the years become an intrusive presence on the country's political scene. It has been accused of patronizing militant elements and promoting particular political parties. Its interference in the electoral process has also been often criticized.
The 'war on terror' has apparently made its mandate even more flexible, and journalists have also felt its sting. We need intelligence and security, but whether the present apparatus is working efficiently and in the right direction should be investigated. Parliament and the government, rather than getting bogged down in procedural matters, should undertake a comprehensive review of the working of all intelligence agencies, clearly marking out the jurisdiction of each and ensuring that no agency is used for political engineering or to harass dissenters.
Preoccupation with the latter has led to confused objectives and independent, cavalier-like decision-making at cross-purposes with the 'national interest'.
Where is the law?
Patience seems to be running out with the government showing no signs of moving forward on a pending bill to prohibit the barbaric custom of honour killing that is practised in all four provinces. This was evident at a recent seminar in Karachi where speakers urged the government to get on with the task of enacting a law to discourage this scourge by penalizing its perpetrators.
At the moment, loopholes in legal provisions dealing with murder allow many guilty persons to escape punishment. The result is that very few, if any, of those who have committed murder in the name of protecting their "honour", have been given the exemplary punishment they deserve.
Speakers at the seminar also argued that laws banning honour killing would be ineffectual if the mindset of those subscribing to this feudal and tribal practice was not changed. There is no disputing this fact, but then a law prescribing suitable punishment for karo-kari and honour killing must be there as a starting point for campaigns to enlighten the people, or else the impression will gain ground that the government is not serious about rooting it out.
Unfortunately, this appears to be the case, as so far the government has done nothing beyond wavering on the issue. In this way, it continues to endanger the lives of many potential victims, who may not be guilty of any aberrant conduct but who are being targeted out of personal enmity. By banning karo-kari and honour killing, the government would be sending a strong message not only to the killers but to all those involved in questionable systems of parallel justice like jirgas and panchayats. Honour killing is one of the most brutal manifestations of tribal justice, and the sooner it is eliminated the better it is for the country and its people.