By deciding to decline India's prime ministership because of the vilification campaign launched against her by the out-voted Bharatiya Janata Party and its allies, Congress president Ms Sonia Gandhi has plunged her party and indeed the whole Indian nation into a deep political crisis, the ramifications of which are difficult to foretell.
It is doubtful that another leader would be able to hold together for long the disparate elements, which comprise the United Progressive Alliance, and that have pledged whole-hearted support to her leadership.
No doubt Dr Manmohan Singh, a widely respected financial expert and an outstanding public figure, who has served in some Congress cabinets in the past, will do his best to prove himself a capable alternative. But he starts with the handicap of not enjoying the charisma which marked the prime ministership of three members of the Nehru-Gandhi family in the past 56 years.
Ms Gandhi has managed to build a formidable front of committed political parties against the rising tide of petty Hindu nationalism and crass communalism which marked the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led coalition during its five years in office.
The prospects of a better future for the deprived classes and the religious minorities and the beginning of the end of the resurgence of a crass Hindutva culture promised by Ms Sonia Gandhi's rise to power may be jeopardized by her refusal to head the new government.
With Manmohan Singh entering the prime minister's office, a leader belonging to the Sikh community will be heading the government in New Delhi for the first time. He could also help stabilize the stock market in Mumbai and other commercial centres with his reputation as a financial manager.
He has already appealed to the caretaker finance minister Jaswant Singh to cooperate in putting an end to the state of panic in financial and investment circles.
Dr Manmohan Singh has said that he had come to know that some institutions at the urging of the outgoing government were deliberately spreading panic among the public "to slander the image of the new government." Such petty party politics is not in the country's best interest.
While India's two Communist parties - the Communist Party (Marxist) and the Communist party of India (CPI) - have announced their support to the Congress without formally joining the coalition, there are indications that there would be no radical moves in the management of economic reforms.
It is not unlikely, however, that there could be a popular perception that Ms Sonia Gandhi and her allies would resort to extreme measures to restore some semblance of balance in problems created by the outgoing government's economic policies.
As head of India's Reserve Bank, Manmohan Singh developed the reputation of being a moderate liberal economic manager. This should help create a sense of confidence in the people.
By deciding to stay out of the government, in response to what she says is the dictate of her "inner voice", Ms Gandhi perhaps hopes to deflect some of the barbs aimed at her party which in the recent elections emerged as the largest single party although not enjoying a clear majority in the newly elected Lok Sabha. It is difficult to say whether her decision has taken the wind out of the attacks by her advisaries.
If Ms Sonia Gandhi had not backed out she would have been the first foreign born Indian to be at the head of the central government. At the same time, there is a view that the elections were less of a Congress victory and more of an adverse verdict against the BJP-led coalition which by its retrograde Hindutva-based policies did immense damage to India's image as a modern progressive state, in spite of its unprecedented progress in the economic and technological field.
It is obvious that India, despite its all-round development, has not been able to shed its ancient five thousand-year old racial and caste-based prejudices. Sonia married Rajiv Gandhi in 1968 whom she had met while studying at Cambridge.
She accepted Indian nationality in 1983, but even after two decades is not considered fit to enjoy the rights and privileges of an Indian national. She married into a family which was in fact the symbol of independent India and has enjoyed almost fifty years of dominance in India's politics.
As a writer in The New York Times has said, the Nehru-Gandhi family has acquired "an aura that mixes the right-to-rule of the British royals, the tragedy of the American Kennedys - complete with the assassination of Indira Gandhi and her son - and traditional South Asian respect for family and public sacrifice."
During Sonia Gandhi's election campaign, her rivals believed that her appeal would be confined to the sophisticated urban elite. However, when the results started coming in, it was clear that the main support for her came from the rural constituencies.
When the communist parties decided to support her candidature from outside and not join her coalition, over 200 intellectuals from in and around Mumbai "rushed an appeal to the CPM bosses urging them to share the responsibility at the centre."
One would not want to believe that Ms Sonia Gandhi has backed out of her candidature for prime ministership out of timidity or fear of sparking countrywide protests as threatened by diehard BJP chauvinists such as the party spokesman Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi.
He claimed that there would be nation-wide turmoil when the Congress parliamentary party nominated her for the top job. He went on to declare, "Some of the country's votes may have gone to the Congress... but the electorate has not given a mandate to Sonia."
Ms Uma Bharti, also of the BJP, said in a similarly menacing tone: "If a person of foreign origin as prime minister becomes privy to all top secret documents... it will pose a grave danger to national security."
Surely, Sonia knows of the various crises which her mother-in-law, Ms Indira Gandhi, had to face during her tenure as prime minister. Indeed, she lived from crisis to crisis.
When Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri suddenly died in Tashkent on January 10, 1966, the old-timer Congressite, Kamaraj, suggested Ms Indira Gandhi as his successor. However, the right-wing Congress "syndicate" (mafia) including Morarji Desai, S.K. Patil, Neelam Sanjiva Reddy et al demurred, as she was known to be holding "leftist views." President Radhakrishnan was also sceptical as he looked upon her as an 'ingenue'.
That led to some informal desultory discussions in the inner circle of the Congress veterans. Then, as Ms Pupul Jayakar in her biography of Ms Indira Gandhi recalls, Indira who had kept quiet "in a flash of supreme confidence, said, 'No one can be prime minister without my support'."
Four days later, in the Congress parliamentary party, four names including that of Ms Indira Gandhi were proposed. Jayakar says that on the eve of the election, she wrote to her son Rajiv, then in London, and quoted Robert Frost: "How hard it is to keep from being king; when it is in you and the situation." When the voting took place, she had won by 355 votes against 169 which her nearest rival Morarji Desai secured.