After weeks of negotiations, five factions of the Muslim League have decided to merge into a single entity to be called the Pakistan Muslim League. It will also carry with it the Sindh Democratic Alliance (SDA), headed by the former civil servant, Imtiaz Shaikh.
The merger, it is said, will be effective next week, coinciding with the expected return home of the former chief minister of Punjab, Shahbaz Sharif, living in exile in Saudi Arabia.
Shahbaz, who was installed as head of the provincial administration in Punjab following general elections in mid-1990, may have the ambition to be once again the province's chief minister on his return and also head the provincial branch of the League.
However, at the time of writing, it is not clear whether he would be free to participate in politics because of the various charges filed with various courts of law on account of his alleged misuse of his office as chief minister in the late 1990s.
In view of their respective known ambitions, the heads of the various factions of the League which have agreed to the merger may prefer to have an 'outsider' as the leader. There has also been strong speculation that they would all first want to persuade President Gen Pervez Musharraf to accept the leadership.
It appears that the present head of the PML-Q, Chaudhri Shujaat Hussain, who was largely instrumental in putting together the party which is currently in power, would concede the top slot of leadership to no one else but Gen. Pervez Musharraf.
There is nothing yet to suggest that the president may be inclined to accept a political office once (and when) he steps down from the office of army chief. In the meantime, Prime Minister Zafarullah Khan Jamali's offer to serve the unified Muslim League could be an indication that he too cherishes the ambition to head the party.
The disintegration of the Muslim League into factions is not an unprecedented phenomenon. Signs of this began to manifest as early as 1948, immediately after the Quaid-i-Azam's death, when a veteran Pathan Leaguer Sardar Abdur Rab Nishtar was duly elected as the PML president.
However, he could not function as such for too long. He was replaced by Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan who had been the party's president under the Quaid-i-Azam. This too did not last too long.
While Iftikhar Hussain Khan of Mamdot was elected chief minister of Punjab, as he was leader of the provincial parliamentary party, Mian Mumtaz Daultana, who was reputed to enjoy Mr Liaquat Ali Khan's support decided not to be cooperative.
This seriously impaired the working of the League in Punjab, and many prominent Leaguers left the party and the central government decided to dissolve the provincial government, handing over all powers to the provincial governor.
The resulting uncertainty was yet to be sorted out when Mr Liaquat Ali Khan was assassinated while addressing a public meeting in Rawalpindi on October 16, 1951. In the meantime, Mamdot chose to establish his own faction of the Muslim League, which was thus the first breakaway faction of the PML. It assumed an identity of its own as the Jinnah Muslim League.
Simultaneously with these developments, the Muslim League leadership in the then East Pakistan also developed serious differences amongst themselves, as well as against the centre.
This led to the creation of the Awami Muslim League, headed by Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani. It later transformed itself into the Awami League and ultimately campaigned for the separation of the eastern wing from Pakistan. The Awami League succeeded in establishing the independent state of Bangladesh in December 1971.
The process of disintegration of the PML as it was formed under the leadership of the Quaid-i-Azam became an almost unending process. Khan Abdul Qayyum Khan, widely known as the strong man of the Frontier province, set up the militant Muslim League National Guards in 1956.
He also declared that if the League was 'prevented' from winning in the elections scheduled for 1958, "a civil war could break out and rivers of blood would flow."
The central government, at the time headed by the anti-Muslim League Republican Party, retaliated by placing a ban on all paramilitary organizations including Qayyum Khan's Muslim League National Guards.
The working committee of the League took the feud a step further by adopting a resolution which inter alia said that the government would be dislodged if needed by "unconstitutional means."
Within a little over a week, Gen Ayub Khan imposed martial law which he justified by saying that it was aimed at removing the prevailing "confusion and imbalance in the social and economic life of the country."
The Muslim League which from the outset had been the establishment's party now came out in its true colours functioning as 'the King's party'. It is feared that the role which the reunited five factions are now seeking for themselves is something very similar. They want to recapture the lost glory.
What could perhaps have been the first step (by Chaudhri Shujaat Hussain) in this scenario was the quiet, seemingly surreptitious way in which he devised his one-to-one meeting with the president on Tuesday.
In fact all that he said after the meeting of the five factions on Sunday was meant to get the leaders of the factions to thrash out all issues so that "we are well prepared when we meet the president."
It was also decided to convene another meeting of the faction leaders to work out the arrangements for a meeting of their joint council when the reunification of the five factions was also to be formally announced.
According to reports, it remained undecided as to whether the chief executive of the country (i.e., President Gen. Pervez Musharraf) should "also be allowed to become the party chief."
The reports made no mention of a private or exclusive meeting between Chaudhri Shujaat and the president. The meeting when it took place lasted an hour and the Chaudhri Sahib apparently apprised the president of the methods to be adopted for the reunification of the five factions.
If the Pakistan Muslim League in its new setup actually makes a move to involve the president in politics, the latter, one hopes, would be duly circumspect in his response.
With the experience of three martial law regimes of the past, the people would not want another military chief to follow the path which brought Ayub Khan, Ziaul Haq and Yahya Khan in their time to their none-too-enviable an end.
The three could not said to have been able to establish any credibility with the people regardless of how they played games with the system. It is there for everybody to remember that they only succeeded in getting the army's image tarnished.
Ayub Khan's Basic Democracy is remembered only for the maimed form of democracy which he gave to the nation. Ziaul Haq by his so-called Islamization programme which was transparently designed to prolong his stay at the top only led the nation farther and farther away from the goal of a progressive, modern, liberal Pakistan which the Quaid had visualized.
The distortion will perhaps never be removed. About Yahya Khan and the horrendous experience which Pakistan suffered under his command, the less said the better.
As the eminent scholar Dr. Hasan-Askari Rizvi has said, in reality all this irretrievably tarnished the army's image. As a result of the successive martial laws, the military establishment is now widely seen as "a contending group in the political arena."
Ironically, all three army rulers cited the Quaid-i-Azam as a model of leadership and claimed that they would follow in his footsteps. In reality, they forgot that the Quaid was very emphatic about the fact that Pakistan was achieved through a transparent political and democratic process.