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DINA
DAWN - the Internet Edition



27 April 2004 Tuesday 06 Rabi-ul-Awwal 1425

Editorial


What we can learn from South Africa
Signs of sanity
Safer blood transfusions




What we can learn from South Africa


Ten years ago, this day, South Africa was re-born as a multiracial democracy after a long and bloody struggle. When the black majority obtained its liberation from apartheid - a uniquely unjust system under which the colour of the skin officially determined the status of a citizen - it was feared that South Africa would be drowned in a terrible bloodbath.

But contrary to expectations, the political transition proved to be more peaceful and orderly than in many other African states. For this the South Africans have to thank the sagacity and statesmanship of their leader, Nelson Mandela, who is now recognized as an icon of peace the world over.

Although incarcerated as a political prisoner for 27 years by the white racist regime in Pretoria, Mr Mandela walked out of the Robben Island prison remarkably free of the bitterness, anger and vindictiveness that would have scarred a lesser man in similar circumstances. He remains a symbol of tolerance and forbearance, which form the essence of democracy.

South Africa holds out many lessons for Third World countries, including Pakistan, many of which continue to be troubled by the consequences of their mismanaged post-independence transition.

What emerges clearly from the South African experience is that the calibre of leadership determines the future of a society. Mr Mandela provided the inspiration and guidance to his people which gave them strength and the will to launch a struggle of another kind - for economic, political and social development.

He helped to heal their wounds for which he set up the truth and reconciliation commission, the first experiment of its kind. Vindictiveness was alien concept to him, and that is why the commission granted amnesty to 1,200 people.

At the same time, Mr Mandela was not afraid to make compromises where he thought it was essential to take his erstwhile tormenters along with him for the sake of domestic peace and stability.

All this paid off handsomely. Many teething troubles notwithstanding, South Africa was soon launched on the road to participatory development. Today it boasts of a functional democracy - three elections have been held since 1994, with every government completing its term.

It has a plural and relatively peaceful society where 40 million people speaking 11 languages and drawn from a diversity of ethnic groups live together. It has experienced steady economic growth of over two per cent per annum and an international status by virtue of which it is recognized as a major force in the world community.

In terms of its key human development indicators, the country stands head and shoulder above most Third World countries and the distribution of wealth has vastly improved, though it still has a long way to go to establish an egalitarian society. Nevertheless, a good welfare system supports those living below the poverty line.

Today the South African miracle is admired widely. Accommodation with the Afrikaaners and other political rivals was the underpinning of the constitution that was adopted. A coalition government was formed in which the African National Congress and the National Party of Mr F.W. de Klerk shared power for the first term to ease the transition process. At the same time, the ANC adopted a focused programme of 'affirmative action' to uplift the disadvantaged blacks.

This maturity in governance has facilitated South Africa's progress. But the ANC, which has been re-elected for the third time, will now have to concentrate on the three problems that plague South Africa: unemployment, Aids and crime.

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Signs of sanity



With the surrender of five wanted men at Shakai on Saturday, things in the tribal area seem to be looking up. Both the federal government and the militants deserve credit for showing common sense and avoiding further bloodshed.

The security authorities exercised restraint, showed due regard for tribal customs and traditions, and finally managed to clinch the issue. The tribal elders involved in the deal, including two pro-MMA parliamentarians, also played a useful role.

Both sides avoided using the word "surrender" and preferred to call it an agreement. Whatever it is, the five militants have pledged to live peacefully and abjure violence. The ticklish issue now is the presence of foreign militants in the area. Tribesmen deny that there are any foreign elements in their midst.

The government says foreign militants are there and has given them till Friday to surrender. By that time, they will have to turn themselves over and "register". A day after the agreement at Shakai, tribesmen in Landi Kotal surrendered a huge quantity of arms.

Going by the quantum and range of arms in their possession, one cannot but marvel at our tribal policy. The tribesmen surrendered not pistols or revolvers; the lot included rocket launchers, anti-tank guns, anti-aircraft explosives, mortars of a wide variety and mines.

Part of the blame for the this horrendous situation must be shared by successive governments for inaction. Since the days of the US-led anti-Soviet 'jihad', sections of the Pakistan Army encouraged the tribesmen to take an active interest in Afghan affairs.

Many religious parties also played an active part in mobilizing the tribesmen for political purposes. The result was that, after the Soviet withdrawal, the arms given by the US and those captured from the Soviets spread to the entire country.

The deweaponization drive must continue with full force - and not only in the tribal areas. In certain respects, large parts of Pakistan have become tribal areas where the government's writ does not run.

It cannot, for instance, disarm the militias which feudal lords maintain or various political and religious groups that seem always to have access to weapons.

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Safer blood transfusions



The ban announced by the governor of Sindh on the setting up of new blood banks was long overdue. Lack of screening facilities and a host of unregulated and unregistered blood banks are the primary reasons for an alarming increase in hepatitis B and C infections.

It would be a good idea if other provinces also followed Sindh's lead in this matter. The prohibition should not mean that the job of monitoring the existing blood banks and of ensuring that the transfusions they carry out are safe is over.

As far as Sindh is concerned, it has a transfusion authority, a government agency entrusted to license and monitor the operation of blood banks. However, an official of the authority has disclosed that only eight of the 600-plus blood banks in Sindh are registered.

She also said that the agency was much too understaffed and underfunded to be able to regulate such institutions.

The importance of establishing a stringent regime for regulating screening procedures and to check the quality of blood, not just in Sindh but across the country, cannot be over emphasized.

Those who undergo dialysis are perhaps at the greatest risk. The transfusion authority should focus on registering all dialysis centres in the country. The Sindh government must now follow up on the governor's ban and increase funding for the transfusion authority and provide it with the requisite trained staff and technical equipment so that it can do its job effectively and in doing so make blood transfusions safer.

The government also needs to understand that the presence of so many unregistered blood banks means that they are filling a gap. These ought to be registered and brought within the ambit of the transfusion authority so that they continue to provide their services without endangering public health.

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© The DAWN Group of Newspapers, 2004