| 18 April 2004 | Sunday | 27 Safar 1425 |
The textbook controversy and the official response
Textbook mess - question marks galore
Great crosses of Lahore
The circle of our sovereignty remains open-ended notwithstanding 57 years of our independent existence. The gap in this circle is the so-called Federally Administered Tribal Areas (Fata), which are neither in Pakistan nor outside it. This nebulous buffer land between Afghanistan and Pakistan has, for ages, provided sanctuary for murderers, fanatics, car thieves and grand smuggling bazaars.
The cottage industry of this region is "protection" - refuge for those on the run from the law. If the price is right, the miscreant is the beneficiary of "qabaili rivayat" (traditional tribal hospitality).
My only experience of a visit to a Fata region was during the general elections of 1997. The then government decided just a few days prior to the election, which I was contesting, that the Sikhs living in Fata would form part of the electorate for the National Assembly seat reserved for minorities other than for Hindus and Christians. As a candidate I entered the Khyber Agency. Shortly thereafter, I received a note saying "please remove yourself from the Fata area within 20 minutes or else...!"
I was told that by hallowed tradition votes in a Fata election were always sold. Canvassing was forbidden by tribal custom. Negotiations were held in Peshawar. In the result, in the two Fata constituencies the returned candidate secured 100 per cent and 88 per cent of the votes respectively.
In the Kurram Agency, where 78 votes were registered of men and women, the number of votes cast in support of the returned candidate were 110! This was held as a proof of "delivery" notwithstanding the fact that women traditionally do not vote in these regions. The Election Commission was not bothered. This minor episode is reflective of the lawlessness of the Fata regions.
The "cottage industry" of yore has given way to more serious business: narcotics and terrorism. Witness: one of the narcotic kings of the Khyber Agency has established the most conspicuous palace in Pakistan. Travelling to Landikotal one can see the wide high perimeter walls of the palace, which alone must have cost millions of rupees.
Inside, I am told are lush green gardens with exotic flowers and rare birds from different parts of the world. (The area outside the palace looks like a flat dry "chapati"). The carpets are said to be of museum quality with the most opulent (nouveau riche) furniture and fittings that money can buy worldwide. Top of the line vehicles worth a couple of hundred million rupees would be parked in the driveway at any time.
The other serious business is support for terrorism; it is currently the stamping ground for the armies of Osama bin Laden, our sectarian terrorists and the Taliban remnants of Afghanistan. Each group claims to be holier than the other. Terrorism is supported in the name of religion, but, surely grounded in the hard rock of a cash nexus.
Pakistan today has no alternative but to sit up and assert its political and economic sovereignty in Fata. A point of no return has been reached. Terrorism has the power to take on the army. If terror wins, we will be the world's first nuclear weapon narco state. No regional or world power will tolerate such a state of affairs because it endangers the security of all.
The question is, how do we proceed?
The British and their Pakistan successors employed the carrot (bribery) and the stick (demolition of houses) principle in dealing with the tribals. This policy has come to a dead end because it cannot match the cash flows from the "serious business" narrated above.
We must bite the bullet. And the time is now. Reason: the Fata tribals in the past would show the "Afghan card" to us when displeased. Pakistan tolerated it for decades in a false bid to keep the peace. This was a tragic mistake. The "Afghan card" is no longer available. The borderland on the Afghan side is increasingly under the control of the United States. This operates to our advantage.
For advice on how to proceed, we may turn to a 16th century political philosopher and strategist, Niccolo Machiavelli. Machiavelli made a historical survey of military campaigns that succeeded and those that failed. He enquired deeply into the causes of both.
On a new order of government, Machiavelli declares: "...It must be realized that there is nothing more difficult to plan, more uncertain of success, or more dangerous to manage than the establishment of a new order of government; for he who introduces it makes enemies of all those who derived advantage from the old order and finds but lukewarm defenders among those who stand to gain from the new one... From this it follows that all armed prophets have succeeded and all unarmed ones have failed; for in addition to what has already been said, people are by nature changeable..."
And having occupied territory Machiavelli reaches the painful conclusion: "...For in truth there is no sure method of holding such cities except by destruction. Anyone who becomes master of a city accustomed to freedom and does not destroy it may expect to be destroyed by it; for such a city may always justify rebellion in the name of liberty and its ancient institutions. These are not forgotten either through passage of time or through benefits received... Thus, the surest procedure is either to destroy them or to live in them."
To assert our full sovereignty in the Fata agencies we may offer them a more civilized and reasonable solution. A plebiscite (much the one that we demand in Kashmir) offering a choice between independence or integration into Pakistan. We should not be afraid if a Fata agency opts for independence. These regions do not have the infrastructure or the means to remain independent, nor will they get support from the Northern Alliance dominated government in Kabul.
For areas opting for integration, the starting point is democracy and a gradual extension of our law. However, our rule in Fata areas should be conducted as far as possible by educated and trained locals themselves.
In addition to the Fata areas, the Constitution provides for tribal areas under the jurisdiction of the province, known as Provincial Administered Tribal Areas (PATA). This category includes the former states of Chitral and Swat. PATA territories should be integrated within the respective provinces. The de facto situation should be made de jure.
Education for girls and boys up to matriculation should be made free and compulsory and seminaries throughout Pakistan should be made to follow state syllabus, an assertion of our sovereignty.
Temporizing or half measures will make our victory ever more distant. For more than half a century, we have focused on Kashmir, and in the process, paid a heavy price. We continue to keep our exclusive focus on Kashmir little realizing that a huge chunk of our territory has actually slipped out of our control. One must pray that the second Wana operation, which is due to commence any day, will be successful.
The writer is a member of the National Assembly.
Email: murbr@isb.paknet.com.pk
The textbook controversy and the official response
So much for the government's initial resolve to make the curriculum, the syllabus and, most importantly, the textbooks less militaristic and less jingoistic. For the past couple of weeks, every day's newspaper has at least half a dozen stories, filed from Islamabad and the four provincial capitals, each detailing how the federal education minister, the provincial chief ministers or the provincial education ministers have vowed to set things right and how the textbooks will be restored to their original form and content.
The newspapers on April 13 carried similar reports, though with a dangerous new development. Since the textbooks have already been printed and distributed in most cases, the provincial textbook boards have in their infinite wisdom deemed it fit to let booksellers or teachers make the changes in the text. This means that overzealous booksellers or teachers will now have a free hand to modify the textbooks in any manner they see fit.
Two days later, on April 15, there came the news that a 'national committee' comprising the education, information and religious affairs ministers, chairpersons of the provincial textbook boards, officials of the education and information ministries, members of parliament and religious scholars has been formed to review textbook content.
One journalist has been included but no independent educationists while the MMA seems to be over-represented. (The only hope for the moderates/progressives seems to be the inclusion of PPP MNA and former law minister Aitzaz Ahsan but his presence on the committee cannot be expected to work wonders.)
The government's backtracking began when the prime minister told the education minister that the matter of deleting Quranic verses or of replacing them in science textbooks should be reviewed by a committee of parliament and that whatever decision it takes should then be implemented. The fact that this issue had already been deliberated upon and decided by the curriculum wing of the federal education ministry did not matter, because obviously, the religious right, which had by then decided to take the government head on over this issue, was in an unrelenting mood.
Unfortunately, the government's caving in only seems to have emboldened the zealots, some of whom have come up with all kinds of demands. What is worse is that some of these demands have been endorsed by personalities no less than the Punjab chief minister, who has directed his provincial textbook board to take out a chapter by the revered scholar Allama Shibli Nomani.
As the Punjab education minister has already pointed out, the changes in the textbooks were actually made in 2001, first in his province, and that things only came to a head now after some elements allied with some religious parties did not approve of them. The idea behind the changes was never to denigrate anyone's faith or beliefs but to have a curriculum and syllabus that encourages those who study it to be progressive-minded, tolerant and peaceable.
The government's change of heart on the revamping of the textbooks is reminiscent of the flip-flop Gen Pervez Musharraf did when in 2001 he advocated a procedural change in the registration of cases under the blasphemy law, so at to prevent its misuse and to curb the disturbing trend of enraged mobs lynching those accused of blasphemy. Then too, after showing some initial resolve, the government (there was no elected prime minister then) had buckled under, and it seems to have done the same this time around.
The problem is that how does someone like Gen Musharraf, with all his calls for enlightened moderation, justify all of this to those whom he wants to take the lead in projecting Pakistan as a progressive nation to the rest of the world.
If something as basic as curriculum reform is politicized and the government prevented from carrying out something that the ministry concerned had already vetted and agreed upon (after a series of detailed consultations and after seeking approval from the "competent authorities"), then people like Gen Musharraf, who seem to be all for progressive values, should not complain if our government schools and colleges churn out people with a decidedly militaristic and intolerant bent of mind.
The promptness with which senior government functionaries have done a reversal on this policy also seems quite ironic. Had they exhibited a similar level of resolve and determination on other aspects of the system, perhaps our educational system, would not be where it is today - in a hole.
Textbook mess - question marks galore
Because everyone is so eloquently bitter and upset on the subject of textbooks for schools, that I was struck by the amazingly uncomplaining attitude, and vision of this Karachiite, Rahim Buksh, on the fact that his three school-going children had not yet got their complete list of textbooks. He, like most of the parents, wants his children to have good education.
Good education? Or education? Good. Absolutely indispensable for a Pakistan for tomorrow. But this sustained focus on textbooks, while even bird-flue has gone away, makes one ask some essential questions. Why is there this anger about textbooks alone? The point that arises is this: is this the only place where we are deficient in the field of education? or is this the tip of the iceberg?
For example, do we have enough buildings for schools in the province, or in Karachi, I am not talking of colleges and universities. Do we have enough decent classrooms, that encourage students to study, where they can sit with reasonable comfort, not the cosy, cool and cushy arrangements that some private schools provide, only to the affording rich.
There are many thoughts on the inadequacies that have become essential part of the country's education system. I am not referring to the men and women, who constitute the managements of the public and private sector education institutes. I am also thinking of school teachers - exceptions apart. Are those teachers that we have, good enough, and do they actually deliver? There are so many questions.
Is society in general, or the provincial and federal education authorities in particular, have agitated over teachers, and their quality, with same intensity as they are doing about textbooks? Come to think of it, this expression of frustration and concern about textbooks is perhaps a very healthy sign. It is also a sustained concern, reflective of the extent of the failure of the people responsible for providing books for schools on time.
Then do we have enough libraries, playgrounds, science laboratories, toilets, ceiling fans, drinking water, canteens and the list can go on and on. Do we have for this society, so deficient in the education sector, all that is needed to ensure that boys and girls get the education they need and they seek? Mentioning libraries, reminds me of books. It will be absolutely shocking and scandalous if we go into details on how appalling are the conditions in libraries in the country's educational institutions.
Have I forgotten to mention such modern concepts as computer education, to enable the young of today's Pakistan to be equipped for tomorrow's Pakistan, is there enough being done to give them the computers. Resources? Don't talk of success stories alone, please.
One is absolutely certain that the situation in the field of education, particularly in schools, is mostly disappointing. When this is said the high-cost, elitist schools are not taken into account, a Karachiite explains that they are well-managed, well provided for and they are institutions that are preparing citizens for other societies in other countries, as he referred to the Cambridge system that is growing so swiftly in this country. And then he asked: "is this what is happening in other developing countries also?" I do not know.
But I do know that there is an argument that goes on all the time that the affluent sections of society have conveniently created an infrastructure whereby their children are well provided for. These are the students in the government schools, or in the modest private schools that is forever poorly equipped.
Having said all this, it is opportune to look at the ongoing textbooks shortage and a promised review of the textbooks of all boards of education in the country, by the federal education minister, Zubaida Jalal. I am however distracted by a short "autobiography of a pistol," that has been written by a high-school girl in Karachi. Before one reproduces from the short piece, pause at the fact that it is an autobiography of a pistol. 'Think again.'
What does it symbolize? There was a time when students wrote autobiographies of apples or oranges or cricket bats, or some other objects. Now they have apparently realised that what are the things that help decide the way life goes on in this modern world. It shows the awareness that the mass media has created all that violence through the cable TV that they see.
Let me quote from this somewhat disturbing "autobiography." It begins "Hi there I am a dangerous pistol. You know I was made from heavy iron parts joined together by pressure which was painful. I got out of the factory and was put in a truck with many others like me. The tag on me was R15,000, which meant that I was worth much but still hadn't realised my purpose. First I reached a place where there was a war going on.
I was given to a soldier, who shot his enemies for defence." Then this pistol goes to a terrorist: "who shot people for no reason," the details go on and then the pistol says that it went into the hands of a burglar "who is pointing me at a child and demanding Rs5 million." Contemplate.
It makes one sad to think that little girls and boys are now thinking on these lines, instead of dreaming about such conditions that will make the world a better place. But then perhaps they believe that arms and ammunition will make the world a better place to live in. That might is right. Perhaps the way this society moves, that is the message that the young Pakistanis are getting, which makes one wonder what the young think of the men and women in power when they appear on television and speak noisily at the same time.
Or it makes one wonder what the young think of news reports that "education minister Zubaida Jalal has said that the ministry will review textbooks of all boards to point out objectionable material, if any."
See what has happened in the Sindh province. A report says that "issues of delay in the printing of textbooks was raised in the assembly and the Sindh Education minister said that the delay was created because the district governments did not provide the funds. He assured that free textbooks would be distributed later this month.
On another front, a PPI report in Dawn says that the Sindh Textbook Board has been severely criticized for changes in the curricula, and these relate to books "excluding contents relating to martyrdom, jihad, national heroes, and the finality of prophethood."
These are allegations made by the Islami Jamiat-i-Tulaba, which has also met the federal education minister also on the subject of the textbook content controversy.
The latest report on this as one writes is that the government has constituted a national committee to review the textbooks at all levels, and it has been "assigned the task to identify anomalies, repetitions, overlaps, if any, in the national curriculum for natural sciences finalized in 2000, and social sciences finalised in 2002.
Obviously there is much to regret at the way textbooks continue to be in short supply, and at the same time there is a controversy about the contents of the textbooks. As some of us are inclined to suggest that this symbolises the chaos that exists in the education sector. There has always been a confusion in the education field, and it has been matched by a poorly-implemented policies, even when they were created after consensus. That is how we have managed or mismanaged this vital sector, as our tomorrow depends on it.
The interesting aspect of all this textbook mess is that for all the accountability that is talked about, society has not yet identified the men and women who have possibly been responsible for the deplorable state of affairs. It is impossible not to quote from this report, which says that at a briefing that the federal education ministry attended in Islamabad, at the curriculum wing, she was told by the officials there that the "indifferent attitude of the provinces led to the errors in the textbooks.'
Let me end with a lament that a grandparent had when he said that "admissions in government and private schools are in full swing and classes of the new term have started in various schools, while textbooks are not available in the market."
For a change I have noticed that neither the press nor the public have focused on prices and the quality of the paper and the printing of these textbooks that have been made available. That too is a question mark, often.
Great crosses of Lahore
OUR culture is what we have on the ground, the fort, the mosques, the walls and the gates of the old city, the houses, the tombs, the graveyards, the churches, the colleges and schools. It is an endless list. The poet Faiz put it very aptly. "Everything we have is our culture. Full stop".
The city of Lahore has so much that one lifetime is not enough to cover everything. It is like French cheese, for they have one cheese for every day of the year, and a different one for every part of the day, and even then over a thousand varieties are left over, each more delightful than the other. So it is with Lahore, for here there is a story under every brick, each more amazing than the last one.
Last week, I set off with my friend 'Tipu' Al-Makky to walk over and see a few memorial inscriptions of the British era in the Cathedral of the Resurrection on The Mall, for it is one of the oldest churches in Lahore.
We sought permission from the bishop's office, and walked through the Cathedral School and the church. On entering the main gate, I remembered, from our youth, the house of Mr Castro Alonso, a former principal of the school. He was a great friend of the family and was a favourite friend of my father's, for he respected him for being a veteran fighter from the Spanish Civil War, for opposing fascism, and most importantly, he admired the three great Pablos of modern Spain, they being Picasso the painter, Neruda the poet, and Casal the celloist.
My old man, who was a former BBC war correspondent, knew all three and had spent long hours listening to Casal in France. Castro Alonso was an institution in Lahore, just as today is Cecil Chaudhry of St Anthony's High Schools, an upright man if there was one. The house of Mr Alonso is just the same as we saw it in our youth.
As we moved towards the cathedral, in the centre of the lawn is a huge red stone cross. On the plaque is its brief history, but there is much more to this cross than meets the eye. There is a legend that this cross was the original one on the very first church that came up in Lahore during the reign of Shah Jahan.
The strange thing is that even though Akbar is known as the liberal, yet it was he who refused to let them build a church. With Aurangzeb came the decline and even Maharajah Ranjit Singh refused to let them build a church. All he allowed his French generals was a chapel inside the shrine of Anarkali. When the British came they found this cross and placed it on the tomb of Anarkali.
When the British consolidated themselves in Lahore in 1849, they initially used the tomb chapel. However, as the military grew in size, they built a number of churches. The Cathedral of the Resurrection was built in 1887. The construction of the cathedral was supervised by the famous architect, John Oldrid Scott. The bishop of Lahore then was a French. Scott chose to build it in the Gothic style, its towers and red brick and pink sandstone exterior, being visible from several points in the city.
The church bells have been a subject of great interest. Originally, the frame for the bells was made to accommodate eight, but only six of them arrived from England. They were cast in 1903 by John Taylor & Co. of Loughborough. In the world of church bells, the Lahore bells are classified as rare and "priceless" as one church website states.
Inside, the church is a picture of serenity. We set about reading the plaques. That day we were interested in the one set up for Gen Sam Browne, the man who "invented" the Sam Browne belt. As we walked along the walls, we were amazed to see memorial plaques of almost the entire Raj. There was one for Lawrence, for Montgomery, for McLeod, for Goulding. You take any name that was important during the Raj, and his name and special plaque is up there.
As we walked along, we stood at one for the police office Saunders, the man shot dead by the freedom fighter Bhagat Singh. It was an amazing experience. Before us, in the city of Bhagat Singh, was the plaque for Saunders "whose life was terminated by assassins". It is an amazing experience to see the flip side of history. But the church was then, like the mosques of today, an arm of the establishment. It seems rulers need a religion or cult to peg their morality on.
At every turn there is history. There are a lot of plaques for the brave men of the Punjab Regiment who fell in Mesopotamia. Almost 80 years later, there is a remote chance that the Punjabis might yet to go to that unfortunate land, even if it is under the guise of the United Nations. There are a number of other plaques of other battles in which men from this house of God fell. In death, they are remembered. It is a sobering experience.
But then the masterpiece of the visit turned out to be a small cross on one side of the cathedral. It is a replica of the original. This is an amazing find from an era in which the cross was not even known as a symbol of Christianity. It is a cross from a necklace worn in approximately 200 years after the death of Jesus Christ. Based on pure historical data, it might well be the oldest cross in the world, and could be the one worn by one of the original disciples of the prophet who is to return on the Day of Judgment.
There is a story to this effect, but not much evidence to warrant its narration. It is good that the original is safely tucked away elsewhere, for this is a priceless relic in the history of Christianity. Outside stands the oldest cross of Lahore. A truly amazing collection, and one for which Lahore should be proud of its churches, as it is of the great men who have run them so far.