| 07 April 2004 | Wednesday | 16 Safar 1425 |
The arms without the men behind
Boeing service inaugurated
A neglected public health crisis
Where has the humour gone?
For all the bonhomie generated by India's first full-fledged cricket tour of Pakistan in a decade and a half, last week's Kashmir "deadline" controversy served as a reminder of how little it could take for relations on the subcontinent to lapse into acrimony.
Fortunately, it hasn't happened. Islamabad lost little time in trying to backtrack, and New Delhi had little interest in putting an ungenerous interpretation on General Pervez Musharraf's remarks. The Foreign Office came up with a statement saying that the president did not use the word "deadline".
Which is true enough, but it nonetheless constitutes a disingenuous response, because it fails to explain what Musharraf meant when he said: "We have to move forward on Kashmir.... The foreign ministers meet in July-August. If we don't move forward, I'm not in the process."
That certainly sounds pretty categorical. And if Musharraf indeed did not intend to imply that lack of progress on the Kashmir front this summer would effectively mean the end of the peace process, then he would be well advised to choose his words more carefully. After all, it wouldn't take much for the confidence built up thus far to crumble as quickly as our team's middle order - and with far more disastrous consequences.
Luckily, the Indian government too has invested a great deal in improved relations, having discovered that the prospect of a settlement enjoys wider appeal among the electorate than belligerent rhetoric.
It is noteworthy that the possibility of a breakdown in negotiations has been derided by none other than Deputy Prime Minister L.K. Advani, whom no one could accuse of being soft on Pakistan. He explained away Musharraf's statement by saying that it was in all likelihood propelled by domestic compulsions.
That's a reasonable, and probably accurate, assumption. Its significance lies in the fact that six months or so ago, chances are a similar statement by Pakistan's head of state would have elicited a rather less equanimous riposte of the "Didn't we say Musharraf couldn't be trusted?" variety.
It's unlikely that the change in tone on both sides of the divide has been prompted by a wholesale change of heart. Suspicions and misgivings undoubtedly remain. But whatever may have motivated the determination to give sanity a chance, it must be hoped that the momentum acquired by the peace express won't wilfully be squandered.
Ultimately, there will come a time when politicians or generals seeking to capitalize on past bitternesses will find themselves struggling for traction, because the agenda will no longer be in their control. A preliminary example of this phenomenon can already be discerned in the Indian election campaign.
Complacency would, of course, be unrewarding at this juncture. It wouldn't do to underestimate the ability of demagogues to play upon popular emotions, especially by exploiting religious sentiments. Yet who could have predicted even a couple of months ago, while leading Indian cricketers were still in a quandary about whether a trip across the border would be worth the risk, that their tour to Pakistan would occasion a veritable explosion of joy and goodwill?
The subcontinent's excitement has been echoed far and wide, with the international media revelling in the good-news stories that have thus far accompanied every encounter on the cricket field.
The crowds at the first one-day international in Karachi (which was deemed an insufficiently safe venue for a Test) set a healthy trend by applauding both sides with gusto - and by making Priyanka Gandhi feel right at home.
Lahore attracted a lot more visitors from India than any of the other venues, and by all accounts overwhelmed them with affection. The recreation, however briefly and sporadically, of a pre-partition semblance enraptured many of those who remember what it felt like to be a part of the city before 1947.
It is essential that opportunities for direct contacts between Indians and Pakistanis should not be restricted to extraordinary occasions such as cricket tours (although one hopes that sporting exchanges will henceforth become regular and commonplace).
Because such contacts are far better guarantors of long-term peace than any piece of paper. So let both sides promote cross-border tourism. Mohammed Ali Jinnah was unable to fulfil his wish of vacationing in Bombay, but perhaps his daughter and grandson can spend their holidays in Karachi.
None of this means, of course, that Kashmir should indefinitely be relegated to the back burner. Any effort to do so would not just be indefensible on moral grounds but impractical in political terms.
At the same time, no one said it was going to be easy. Musharraf has on occasion correctly emphasized the need for creative solutions. Mutual acceptance of the Line of Control as an international border would on the face of it be the easy way out. But, apart from the fact that Pakistan has, somewhat peremptorily, ruled out this option, it is also unlikely to generate much enthusiasm among Kashmiris - even though most of them may well agree that a divided but peaceful Kashmir, with less intimidating border controls, would be preferable to the painful status quo.
On the other hand, it stands to reason that a majority of Kashmiris would welcome the prospect of a united, autonomous Kashmir, with sovereignty and responsibility for the territory's defence shared by India and Pakistan for a limited period. A referendum could be scheduled a few years down the line, offering them a choice between sticking with that arrangement and choosing independence.
It would, of necessity, be something of a gamble: delicate situations could arise, and there would almost certainly be complications. But that doesn't mean it would be unworkable - and it would allow a degree of face-saving on both sides.
Meanwhile, of more immediate concern is the situation that has developed in the region bordering Afghanistan. The cricket has, from the government's point of view, provided a useful distraction from the infinitely deadlier contest in Wana. According to the foreign minister, there are 70,000 troops deployed in the tribal areas - a complement not all that much smaller than that which surrendered to India after wreaking havoc in Bangladesh in 1971.
Are these sort of numbers really required to smoke out the supposed remnants of Al Qaeda and the Taliban, whose strength is not believed to extend beyond a few hundred? And is it really necessary to use tactics strikingly reminiscent of those employed by Indian and Israeli security forces in Kashmir and occupied Palestine?
Pakistan can certainly do without pockets of armed fundamentalists on its frontier. And the "lawless" tribal areas ought to have been incorporated into the national mainstream long ago - but through gentle persuasion rather than conquest. Even in the present context, that approach may have proved more fruitful than blundering in the American way.
The unpleasantest aspect of the unfolding malodorous misadventure, repeated denials notwithstanding, is that the show of force has been mounted to curry further favour with the present administration's benefactors in Washington.
The prospect of elevation to "major non-Nato ally" status has proved too alluring, particularly since it has been accompanied by the bonus of no penalties for nuclear proliferation.
However, formal designation as a handmaiden to rampant imperialism is no badge of honour. It's a crying shame. And we could do without more of that. There's shame enough in our past. The 25th anniversary this week of the execution of Pakistan's first elected prime minister at the hands of Musharraf's most notorious uniformed predecessor serves as a salutary reminder of that.
It's also worth remembering that the only victories won by Pakistan's armed forces have been against their own people. It was somewhat strange to hear Musharraf claiming recently that the chosen foes in Wana are guilty of incursions into Afghanistan where they kill their Muslim brothers. That's almost as brazenly disingenuous a statement as Paul Bremer's pained comment this week to the effect that hey, what's wrong with these Iraqis - they're turning violent!
But enough of that. The escapism offered by cricket is too tempting, and the Test in Lahore has begun competitively. Another no-contest along the lines of Multan - where the superior side played brilliantly while the hosts turned in an abysmal performance - and Atal Behari Vajpayee may have found himself faced with a Pakistani request for the ultimate confidence-building measure: Let's swap teams for a while....
The cricket tour's side-effects, too, seem like a fantasy. But they are real enough, a barely anticipated rainbow amid the distant thunder and dismal outlook. Whatever happens next on the cricket field, let's not lose this feeling.
Long years ago, the agony of partition found poignant expression in verses by a young Punjabi poet, Amrita Pritam: Aj aakhan Waris Shah nu ke tu qabran wichon bol Te aj kitab-e-ishq da koi agla warqa phol...
It's been quite a wait. And it may still be premature to speak of the book of love. But it would appear a new leaf has been turned. And it's not entirely inconceivable that future historians chronicling the outbreak of sanity on the subcontinent will look back on the spring of 2004 as a starting point.
e-mail: mahirali2@netscape.net.
The arms without the men behind
As many as five committees have started investigating the largest ever arms haul in Bangladesh. The recovery of the deadly cargo in Chittagong on April 2 has generated lot of speculations in Dhaka and elsewhere in the country.
The recovery of the huge amount of illegal weapons has even overshadowed, for the time being perhaps, the widespread speculations about the opposition Awami League's repeatedly pronounced prediction of the ouster of the BNP-led coalition from power on or before April 30.
Given the nature, amount and variety of the arms recovered, Bangladeshis have reasons to talk about it, especially when the country has recently been exposed to the worst-ever law and order situation.
The final count of the weapons produces a list of 4,930 different types of sophisticated firearms including SMGs, automatic rifles and Tommy guns; 27,020 hand grenades; 840 rockets, 300 accessories of rocket launchers, 2,000 grenade-launching tubes, 6,392 magazines and 1,140,520 rounds of ammunition.
The arms, stuffed into two trawlers that had anchored at the jetty of the Chittagong Urea Fertilizer factory premises, were being loaded into ten waiting trucks. Members of the police, army, coast guard and BDR, and officials of other agencies, took more than 20 hours to count the massive volume of arms and ammunition.
However, the million-dollar question, now being asked by many, is that how the crews of the ships, who unloaded such a big consignment of weapons for such a long time amid police vigil around the area, escaped the scene. A section of Dhaka's print media has already started smelling rats in the case, and they have reason to do so, because no 'real people behind the recent arms hauls have so far been nabbed.'
Last year, in the second largest arms haul, police seized 1,00,000 bullets of Chinese rifles and 200 kilograms of explosives from a truck at Kahalu under Bogra district on June 27.
The Criminal Investigation Department (CID) of police submitted the charge-sheet but none could be traced, if they existed at all, except on the papers produced before the court.
In another incident, on Nov 30 last year, after a brief gunfight with criminals, police seized four Ak-47 rifles, two revolvers, 20 hand-grenades, four time-bombs and 1000 bullets from the Badda area of the capital city. But the case still remains unsolved.
The President of the opposition Awami League, Sheikh Hasina, has demanded an 'international investigation' into the latest arms haul. Secretary General of the ruling BNP and Local Government Minister, Abdul Mannan Bhuiyan, has not rejected the idea "for the time being" assuring that the government would do it "if need be".
But State Minister for Home Affairs Lutfuzzaman Babar has asked the investigation committees to 'see whether the deadly weapons had any link with the opposition AL's repeated announcement of ousting the government from power by April 30.
Meanwhile, many in Dhaka have recently been asserting publicly that the country's geographical location, mostly unguarded stretches of land and sea frontiers, political unrest, rise of gangsters and police failures, have all together rendered the territory one of the easiest, and therefore safest, transit routes for entry or passage of contraband cargo.
They argue that the April 2 haul in Chittagong proved the link of international rackets with their local operatives, ostensibly enjoying impunity from the watchdog agencies. Some intelligence people suggest that separatist groups of India, Nepal, Sri Lanka and terrorist gangs of some other countries of this region are involved in arms smuggling.
Prof Imtiaz Ahmad of the Department of International Relations in Dhaka University, has to his credit some studies on the movement of small arms in the region. He says: "Bangladesh is being used as a transit route for arms and drug traders for a long time. In recent years, a local market has been created inside the country.
A vested quarter is taking the opportunity to expand the local market, exploiting bitter rivalries among the mainstream political parties. And thus, we have made our country insecure." However, there are reports that the main entry of illegal arms occurs through the southeastern port city of Chittagong and its adjoining hill districts of Bandarban, Khagrachhari and the tourist city of Cox's Bazar.
Sources say at least 37 illegal arms smuggling syndicates are active in this region. Arms also enter the country through Sylhet and the southwestern territory. Significantly, Bangladesh's location makes it an ideal transit hub for insurgent groups in South Asia. Apart from a 4,000-kilometre border with India along its west, north and east, its southeastern border is cheek by jowl with Myanmar.
In the bordering Indian provinces of Assam and Tripura, two powerful underground separatist groups- the United Liberation Front of Asomand the All Tripura Tigers Force - have been operating for decades. In addition, the Arakan rebel groups of Myanmar, reportedly involved in criminality in small bands these days, operate near Bangladesh's border.
Apart from Nepal's home-grown Maoist rebels, dozens of smaller underground groups also proliferate in Indian provinces near Bangladesh. While this is the big picture, some of these arms and ammunition during shipment fall into the hands of local gunrunners who make supplies to crime syndicates and political goons. The latter use the arms whenever politics leads to deadly confrontations among them.
Nobody knows when this confrontational politics will end in Bangladesh. Meanwhile, people seem ready, reluctantly though, to witness a fresh round of confrontation between the BNP and the AL, with a deadline having been set by the latter for the removal from power of the former.
Boeing service inaugurated
Thanks to the efforts of the Bahawalpur Chamber of Commerce and Industry, PIA started last week a Boeing service from Karachi to Bahawalpur and back. The flight, which will operate twice a week, can play a vital role in boosting the economy of this underdeveloped area.
PIA has fixed a one-way fare (Karachi to Bahawalpur) of Rs3,570, which BCCI president Shaikh Abbas Raza objected at a welcome ceremony he hosted on the inaugural day. He asked the PIA's representative, Salman Javed, to reduce the fare which was rather high.
At the same time, it is surprising that PIA has provided an old but newly-painted non-airconditioned bus for pick-and-drop service from the airport building to the runway. Bahawalpur is a hot place and the airport is located near the desert surrounded by sand dunes. It is really disappointing that an outdated bus has been sent here. It should be replaced by an airconditioned vehicle.
As regards the other problems highlighted by the BCCI president, it was pointed out that the rates of air cargo service should be concessional for local traders, particularly the mango exporters. Extension of Boeing service to Lahore and Islamabad (seven flights a week) was also called for. Moreover, the airport terminal building needs extension for Boeing passengers.
Bahawalpur airport was upgraded in December 2002, with the completion of the extended runway funded by the Dubai ruler. However, it took over one year to introduce the service from here.
Even when PIA decided in March to operate Boeing flights from here, the matter was deferred due to 'safety' reasons. It was pointed out that the airport lacked fire-fighting arrangements which should have been completed by the Civil Aviation Authority before hand.
The matter was brought to the notice of high ranking army officers here who agreed to extend the facility only for a month, during which fire brigade will have to be provided at the airport by CAA.
If this was not done, the army could withdraw the facility as a result of which Boeing flights could come to a standstill and create problems for the local passengers. So CAA will do well to arrange the required fire brigade here as soon as possible.
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Hasilpur Sports Complex has not been completed despite the passage of 15 years. The project was approved in 1989 at a cost of Rs10 million. Out of this, a sum of Rs2.5 million was to be spent on the construction of a stadium for which an area of 40 kanals was earmarked on Bahawalpur Road.
Later, only a football ground was developed on an area of 28 kanals and was named as Hasilpur Stadium. Hasilpur city has no other park or playground for the youth. Neither the Punjab Sports Board nor the district government provided any financial assistance due to political reasons, with the result that sports are not being promoted.
Hasilpur tehsil has its own funds, but even after over two years of the devolution programme, the Tehsil Council has not taken note of the problem. The players are without drinking water at the stadium because its tubewell is reported out of order for the last many years. The younger generation has asked the Punjab highups to provide special funds for the completion of the Sports Complex.
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The sewerage project initiated in tehsil headquarters of Ahmedpur East at a cost of Rs40 million some two years ago is still incomplete, causing problems for the residents.
A number of colonies are without sewerage due to which their residents are forced to live in slum-like conditions. The district government had assured that the mega project would be completed within a short period, but now the required funds are not being released which has caused the work to stop. People have demanded release of the required allocation for this project so that they can be provided with a basic amenity.
A neglected public health crisis
Accidental injuries are the leading cause of death in the world for those aged 14 to 44 years and of all these injuries, road traffic fatalities are responsible for a quarter (an estimated 1.26 million in 2000). It has been suggested by the World Health Organization (WHO) that by 2020, injuries on the road could rank third among causes of death and disability, ahead of malaria, TB and AIDS.
Recent reviews of accidental injuries suggest that low-income countries are subject to disproportionate increases in traffic related injuries. However, due to poor record keeping and significant under-reporting in these countries, the magnitude of the problem does not receive sufficient recognition by health policy planners or indeed serve as an imperative to the development of preventative strategies.
In response to the looming public health crisis, WHO has for 2004 devoted its World Health Day to road safety with the slogan Road Safety Is No Accident. The experience of head injuries reported to the Jinnah Postgraduate Medical Centre (JPMC), Karachi, suggests that attention to the crisis of death and disability occurring on our roads is necessary and timely.
During the calendar year 2003, a prospective study was conducted on all patients coming to the emergency department of the centre with traumatic head injuries. Information was collected on a proforma designed for the purpose and the findings compared with the results of a 1970 study of head injuries by the JPMC. During 2003, a total of 3,008 patients reported to the emergency room. There were 1,865 males (67pc) and 1,143 females (38pc).
The age distribution analysis showed 978 patients (567 males and 411 females), i.e., 32.5pc in the first decade, 217 (147 males and 70 females), i.e., 7.2pc in the second decade, 631 (473 males and 158 females), i.e., 21pc in the third decade, 497 (274 males and 223 females), i.e., 16.5pc in the fourth decade and 685 (400 males and 285 females), i.e., 22.8pc over 40 years.
The majority of patients in this study, 1,444 (48pc), had suffered their head injury in a fall from a height. Road traffic accidents accounted for 1,143 (38pc) while 301 (10pc) were injured in inter- personal violence. The largest proportion (34pc) was in the economically active fourth decade of life.
In the more seriously injured patients requiring admission to hospital, the cause of head injury was far more often due to road traffic injury (54pc). A total 154 patients died for a mortality rate of five per cent in the entire series of 3,008 patients and 25pc of the 623 admitted patients.
A survey of acute head injuries reported to the JPMC in 1970 disclosed 83pc males and 17pc females. The cause of head injury was a traffic accident in 289 (48pc) and fall from a height in 178 (29pc). Of those injured in accidents, 118 were pedestrians (66 adults and 52 children) while a further 45 patients had fallen from moving vehicles.
Of the injuries due to a fall, 166 were at home and these were largely in children while 12 were at work. There were 90 deaths in the group of 600 head injuries for a mortality rate of 15pc with traffic accidents accounting for 64 (71pc) of the fatalities.
What can we infer from this data? Foremost, the progression in Pakistan, as in the rest of the developing world, towards urbanization and greater motorization is greatly increasing the burden of head injuries.
JPMC's data demonstrates a major increase in incidence of head injuries and even allowing for the fact that the 1970 survey may be under-reporting by excluding minor head injuries discharged from the emergency department, the results reflect a significant change due to population expansion, congested living conditions and enhanced vehicular traffic.
A study, Motor vehicle crashes in Pakistan: the emerging epidemic by Dr. Adnan Hyder et al. covering the period 1948 to 1996 and published in 2000, has shown a clear relationship between increasing levels of motorization in Pakistan and the number of fatal accidents. The authors suggest that the problem of road traffic crashes will only get worse.
The two major causes of head injuries reported to the JPMC are falls and traffic accidents. However, when only cases presenting with significant head injuries are considered, those injured in traffic accidents predominate.
These accidents are of great social and economic impact as those killed or disabled by them were frequently the breadwinner of a family that has to cope with the loss of family income apart from the emotional trauma.
The survey results of the acute head injuries project in 1970 has demonstrated that the most vulnerable users of our roads are those of low socio-economic status, with 56pc of those injured on the roads being pedestrians or victims of falls from moving vehicles, usually buses. A third of the pedestrians had been knocked down by commercial vehicles.
The countrywide data presented by Dr Hyder shows that while commercial vehicles represent only 12 per cent of the total number of registered vehicles, they are involved in over 60 per cent of motor vehicle crashes and up to 90 per cent of the fatalities.
In a study by Junaid Razzak and Stephen Luby published in 1998, the motor vehicle crash fatality rate in Karachi was estimated at 113/10,000 registered vehicles compared to 1.4 deaths in Tokyo and 2.8 deaths in Manchester for the same number of vehicles.
This would not surprise those who daily witness the chaotic conditions on our roads and indeed the data indicate a crisis situation. Increasingly traffic injuries are being viewed as a possible health problem for which prevention strategies can be developed and effectively applied.
Adherence to traffic regulations, mandatory wearing of seat belt and motorcycle helmets have all proven to be effective in road traffic injury prevention. However, a fatalistic approach to the problem and a lack of the political and societal responsibility needed to bring into operation the requisite multi-sectorial collaboration impedes the implementation of road safety programmes.
Often in the developing countries, infrastructure investment in the transport sector is largely allocated to construction and maintenance of roads and highways used mostly by private transport while overlooking the public transport needs of the poor. Karachi's long-delayed mass transit scheme is a case in point.
The writer is professor of neurosurgery at the JPMC, Karachi.
Where has the humour gone?
At a book launch the other day - of Sub Accha Hey by Zafar Mohyuddin- some one nostalgically recalled the 'golden age' of humour columns in newspapers. I recalled Maulana Chiragh Hasan Hasrat - 'Sindbad Jahazi' was his pen name - whose 'Harf-o-hikayat' column was considered as a piece of literature. His collection of columns was published quite late in his life.
Among many others, Nasrullah Khan had a flair for spontaneous humour. His collection of columns 'Kiya qafla jaata hae', also appeared quite late. Perhaps printing facilities were scare in those days and it took years for a writer to take up the venture of having a look published. At present it only takes hours to get one out.
Recalling the 'golden age', how can one forget the names of such stalwarts as Majeed Lahori, Shaukat Thanvi, Ibrahim Jalees and Inam Durrani? Majeed Lahori introduced characters that portrayed the class, age and social environment of the 50s - Tyreji Tubeji, Maulvi Gulsher and Ramzani, the first representing the trading class with an upper hand in society, Maulvi Gulsher ruling over the minds of the poor, and Ramzani the helpless, clueless common man. Shaukat Thanvi's Qaziji came from the middle class, most often more satirical than humorous.
But where are the humorous columns, asked someone during the discourse. Humour appears to have been banished from newspaper columns. What we happen to go through are essays written in support of one political group or the others, eulogistic pieces based on self-glorification or sycophancy.
The emphasis on technology, businesses administration and computers, the search for a decent job, the constant worry of paying your utility bills - all this has led to studies in literature and social sciences being ignored.
Poetry, fiction, classical arts, music, culture, history, all these subjects have lost much of their meaning for today's generation. Our syllabus from the lower to the upper grades is lopsided.
In most cases it may produce a brilliant banker who may add billions to the nation's exchequer but is unable to feel the pulse of the nation. Consequently we have to be content with humourless "humour' splashed inside the morning papers.
The book that was launched, 'Sub Achcha Hey' (everything is fine), is a satire on the working of politicians and administrators. The writer Zafer Mohyuddin was known as a serious newspaper commentator, but he was asked by his editor to do some writing in a lighter vein also.
The speeches made at that function were quite serious, bitter in content, and only proved that humour cannot be sustained for too long. While Dost Mohammad Faizi brought faint smiles to some faces and S.M. Moin Qureshi brought some laughter, the other speakers were grave and grim.
In one article in the book, Mohyuddin is critical of the policies followed by the British in India, and Mohsin Shamim took exception to it. He described the merits of foreign rulers (and rightly so) and was angry at the mis-governance of Muslim rulers in the subcontinent. So the event ended on an angry note.
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A friend is a good writer, stinging satire being his forte. The mushairas held in the city last week pained him to the extent that he wrote a note of protest to this writer. It is difficult to give an English translation of his idiomatic comments but one can try.
"What we need in Karachi are mushairas being held round the clock, day in and day out in all the four corners of the city, and then you will witness the sun of hope rising from the dark horizon. And then you will see further the malaise of high prices, loot and plunder, killings and other similar crimes disappearing. In fact the people have since long been hankering for intellectual food and this can only be provided by holding mushairas..."
The social conditions as pointed out by the friend are real. Most of us suffer from them and face them with courage and fortitude. Mushairas may provide us with some moments of relief but it seems that there are "social reformers" among us who, alas, cannot allow even that much relief to the people.
I will not go into the merits of poetry or the role of literature in society, since it is not the issue at present. But good poetry can be a great source of strength for people living with hardship and can kindle the light of hope to face life with courage.
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Pakistan's noted social scientist and researcher Hamza Alavi was remembered at the third Hamza Alavi Distinguished Lecture last Sunday at an event organized by Irtiqa and the Hamza Alavi Foundation where Michael Rustin, professor of sociology at the University of East London, was the speaker.
Remembering Hamza Alavi "as a polite and benign person," Prof Rustin expressed his views on the current socio-political conditions in the Middle East, Iraq and Afghanistan.
In the audience were some of those who had known Hamza Alavi - Asad Saeed, Dr Haroon Ahmad, M.B. Naqvi and Ishrat Abbas, Hamza's nephew. They briefly described their warm and friendly relations with the scholar and how they had received inspiration and guidance from him. While Hamza Alavi loved to guide young social activists and students, he quite often felt lonesome in the absence of an intellectual discourse.