| 06 April 2004 | Tuesday | 15 Safar 1425 |
Policemen's murder
Sri Lanka's divided vote
Knowing the inter-provincial differences over the matter, Prime Minister Jamali's instructions to Finance Minister Shaukat Aziz to finalize the sixth National Finance Commission award before the federal budget involves a daunting task. The government has already crossed the deadline of March 31 set earlier this year.
Hopes are now pinned at the final meeting of the NFC to be held in Islamabad on April 15. There is no guarantee that a settlement would be reached on this date either. Since allocation of resources between the centre and the provinces and between the four provinces has to be made according to a new NFC formula, time is running out for a consensus over the long pending award.
Finance minister Shaukat Aziz is, however, optimistic. He claims that in the meetings held in Karachi, Peshawar and Quetta over the past few months, the differences between the provinces have been narrowed down.
He also says that a professional approach adopted by the provincial representatives will help in reaching an agreement. For its part, the federal government has offered 46 per cent as the provincial share in the divisible pool as against the existing 37.5 per cent.
But the provinces are insisting on a 50 per cent share and this has become one of the main stumbling blocks in the discussions held so far.
Sensing the seriousness of the situation, the prime minister has said that he will also play his role in ironing out differences of perception that have cropped up. It is this spirit of give and take that should eventually lead to some agreement in the near future.
The position of Punjab to stick to a one-point criterion of population as the only basis for allocation needs to be changed. Similarly, Sindh's demand to include revenue collection as a criterion should also be changed since, Karachi being the country's only major port, most goods for all parts of the country pass through it, and that incidental factor accounts for Sindh's position as the leading contributor of national revenues.
At the same time, Sindh can make a good case for additional funds on grounds of the large influx of economic migrants to Karachi, particularly from southern Punjab. Their housing and other basic needs, including those of water and other services and facilities, and the cost on that account entitle Sindh for a larger share in federal funds.
Weightage also needs to be given to the lack of development in places like rural Sindh and Balochistan where more federal help is needed to address the backlog in development compared to other parts of the country.
Another point to consider in terms of development is that some provinces like Balochistan incur a higher cost for infrastructural projects because of long distances involved. These are of course complex issues that need to be sorted out over the next couple of weeks by the finance ministers of all provinces.
An agreement can only be reached if they take into account the national interest and adopt a more flexible approach. The NFC awards have been unduly politicized and have become a source of mutual distrust and antagonism among provinces. This needs to change so that the agreement that is finally arrived at is seen as the best possible one under the circumstances.
Policemen's murder
The death of five policemen in the attack on a Karachi police station on Sunday goes to show the extent of lawlessness in the nation's premier city. That the attackers were trained terrorists is evident from the way they carried out their criminal mission.
They had chosen what the police chief called a "soft" target - a makeshift police station. The nearly dozen gunmen had obviously done their homework well: they knew the strength of the staff at the police station, and they chose to strike at dawn - when even the most efficient of security personnel are not at their best.
They came in several vehicles, finished their job with deadly efficiency, and managed to carry away one of their wounded accomplices. They left no clue behind, except "empties" and tyre tracks. Who were the attackers? The police chief has avoided blaming anyone. But theories are rife.
One is that the MQM-Haqiqi could be behind it because the attack came a day after the arrest of Mr Afaq Ahmad, their chief. Others link it to the Wana operation. Obviously, it will take some time for the authorities to be definitive about the motive and identity of the killers, but the tragedy serves to point out how easy it is for terrorists to operate in Karachi.
Like the entire country, Karachi is awash with guns. Drives launched from time to time to recover guns have failed. Not only do terrorist groups and criminals keep arms; feudal lords, too, maintain private militias to guard their estates and browbeat political rivals.
On a larger scale, tribal militias in Balochistan and the NWFP defy the government. Karachi's problem is chaos. This helps terrorists, who find it easy to remain undetected and strike at a time and place of their choosing. Sunday's attack raises the casualties among policemen and Rangers in Karachi in the last 18 months to eight killed and 22 injured.
This year this was the third attack. One wonders if the technical help our security apparatus has received from the US in the wake of 9/11 will help in an early detection and arrest of those involved in Sunday's horrendous crime.
Sri Lanka's divided vote
Failing to secure an absolute majority in Friday's elections, Sri Lankan President Chandrika Kumaratunga and her allies in the United People's Freedom Alliance (UPFA) are nevertheless best placed to form the next government - that is if they manage to win the support of minority parties.
Ahead of their rival, outgoing Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe's United National Front (UNF) that grabbed 82 out of 225 parliamentary seats, the UPFA with 105 is just eight short of the required mandate. But even as the two political rivals get down to the task of wooing allies, the divided vote reflects the divergent views on the Norwegian-brokered negotiations between the government and the Tamil Tiger rebels.
While Mr Wickremesinghe's government has achieved crucial gains for the peace process, many, including the president, have blamed him for giving too many concessions to the Tigers who are held responsible for the deaths of 64,000 people in two decades of civil war.
Mr Wickremesinghe's government signed a permanent truce with the Tigers and lifted a ban that had been previously imposed on them. It also agreed to autonomy for the Tamil-dominated areas of the north and east.
These moves have been reciprocated by the rebels who have gone so far as to drop their demand for a separate state. Moreover, the prospect of peace has also led to the promise of a $4.5 billion rehabilitation package by the international community. If the UPFA forms the next government, it will have to keep the larger picture in mind and do all it can to keep the peace process on track.
This can only be possible if Ms Kumarantunga and her allies show some flexibility in their hard-line approach towards the rebels. This is especially necessary in view of the fact that the Tamil National Alliance, that has polled 22 seats in the current elections, has surfaced as the third largest party in the country. Besides, the UNF and UPFA must rise above their differences and show the parliamentary statesmanship required to bring permanent peace to the island.