Since I became European Commissioner nearly five years ago, we have lived through many unforeseen conflicts: the shocking events of September 11, war in Afghanistan and Iraq.
Indeed, when I last visited Pakistan in spring 2002, many feared we were on the brink of a different war - between two major players in Asia and two important partners of the EU. Like a number of other European leaders, it was my task to urge restraint as tensions along the border with India threatened to reach breaking point.
So it is a great pleasure to visit Pakistan this week at a moment when we see a real chance of progress towards peace and reconciliation in this troubled region.
In a world short of good news, South Asia offers us some encouraging signals. This week we see the start of what I hope will become a steady process of dialogue between India and Pakistan. President Musharraf and Prime Minister Vajpayee have already taken impressive steps to restore confidence.
I know from my own experience working for peace and reconciliation in Northern Ireland how much courage is required to rebuild trust. I know too, that it takes leadership to overcome long-held differences.
Friends of Asia - including the EU - can only applaud the mettle and determination of the leaders who have created a climate in which so much suddenly seems possible.
The Saarc summit in Islamabad in January produced remarkable results. This could not have happened without the bold steps towards rapprochement between Pakistan and India. Pakistan deserves full recognition for its role in making this possible.
The most exciting development is the agreement to create a south Asian Free Trade Area. The European Union is living proof that economic integration is a peacemaker: cooperation and free trade can transform political relationships between neighbours, however difficult their past history together.
Just under fifty years ago, after all, Europe was in ruins, torn apart by the rivalries of its great powers, which had drawn in combatants from across the globe, including South Asia. It took courage for old enemies to bury differences in the search for peace and prosperity. But we showed it could be done.
I hope that Safta can improve South Asia's security and economic prospects, and if Saarc members think it helpful, the EU would be glad to give active, indeed financial, support.
The world longs to see stability in South Asia - and democracy in Pakistan. We have followed closely the president's important recent decisions: to fold away his army uniform, and to settle the LFO issue in parliament.
These are significant steps, and the Europeans have noticed them. In late 2001 after the fall of the Taliban, and the important role Pakistan played at a dangerous moment for the world, all of Europe's leaders were determined that the EU should show its appreciation by taking our relationship up a gear.
We stepped up our political dialogue, offered a preferential trade package worth euro 210 million per year and additional development aid, in particular a 650 million programme for financial sector reforms.
The conflict in Afghanistan was depressing Pakistan's economy and exports and it was right that the EU should support Pakistan through that difficult period.
Since then, new challenges have emerged, but the EU will continue to stand by partners in the region. We will do all we can to help Pakistan maintain the momentum towards greater peace and stability.
That commitment is as real as it was three years ago, and those who suggest that some recent disagreement about trade are indications to the contrary are mistaken. Europe is Pakistan's biggest trading partner.
We are your biggest market and will become larger still after our enlargement this May with 10 new countries joining the existing 15. You have a substantial trade surplus with us and we are the most significant external investors in your economy.
These are the economic realities and I am sure we will be able to manage occasional trade disagreements in a way that does not disrupt them. Pakistan deserves to be helped in its task of building a dynamic modem economy. We will do what we can to assist as friends and partners.
The writer is European Union Commissioner for External Relations.
A path to peace
By M.H. Askari
AT the end of the official-level talks about the future of India-Pakistan relations, the air of optimism which was generated by the joint declaration of the President of Pakistan and the Prime Minister of India issued in Islamabad on January 6 appears to persist.
Although the official statement issued in Islamabad on Wednesday did not report any specific progress on the outstanding India-Pakistan issues, it presented a roadmap which will hopefully lead to the ultimate destination of peace and stability as earlier identified by the leaders of the two countries. Much more is likely to be known after the expert and technical level talks scheduled to be held by August.
At the end of Monday's meeting of the joint secretaries of the foreign ministries the official spokesman in Islamabad had observed that the talks had received a fresh momentum.
A roadmap to peace has been drawn up and hopefully will continue to be followed up. The talks at the joint secretaries' level had resulted in an itemized agenda to be implemented at various other levels. It was not different from a similar agenda which the then foreign secretaries of Pakistan and India had drawn up in June 1997. Unfortunately, the particular agenda was abandoned not too long after its adoption. That at least, partly may have been due to a somewhat one-sided statement made by the then US ambassador in India who virtually encouraged New Delhi to play what he called "a key role in world affairs."
The abortive attempt to start a bilateral dialogue in 1997-8 however did not put an end to Pakistan's attempts to establish meaningful contacts with India. The prime ministers of the two countries had a meeting in New York concurrently with the UN general assembly session. In his address at the session Mr Nawaz Sharif even proposed "equal restraint agreements" between the two countries concerning nuclear and ballistic weapons, even though nothing came out of his initiative.
India-Pakistan relations passed through a most tense phase when India conducted three underground nuclear tests in Pokhran and two days later carried out two more tests. While Pakistan was still procrastinating over whether or not it should resort to a tit-for-tat response, the Indian leaders unfortunately chose to give vent to what could only be regarded as something threatening statements. The Indian prime minister reportedly said that India now had a nuclear weapon while the Indian home minister even more pointedly declared that Islamabad should realize the implications of the development and "roll back its anti-India policy."
Despite President Clinton's request to the contrary Pakistan decided to conduct its own nuclear blasts at Chaghai in Balochistan but then declared a unilateral moratorium on any further nuclear testing. It invited India to join in an agreement banning future tests. There was no positive response from India, not even after President Clinton reportedly offered Islamabad a "lucrative package" for not joining the nuclear race.
Tensions in the subcontinent continued to rise, even after a summit meeting between Mr Vajpayee and President Musharraf in Agra in mid-July 2001. It was in early 2002 that the situation began to defuse with President Musharraf calling upon India to but an end to the military action against the freedom fighters in the occupied Kashmir.
Both India and Pakistan appear to have commenced the dialogue for peace and stability in the region with the will to fulfil the pledge contained in the joint declaration issued in January.
However, any progress with regard to the resolution of the Kashmir dispute cannot yet be predicted. Even the official spokesperson of the White House while welcoming the commencement of the India-Pakistan talks reportedly cautioned against the feeling that the "Kashmir dispute would be resolved soon." The hardline elements within Pakistan continue to maintain that they would accept no "compromise" on Kashmir or the nuclear issue.
The report that Pakistan had asked India to negotiate a joint agreement to reduce the threat of war "between the nuclear armed rivals" is certainly reassuring.
On Kashmir too there is a general consensus that resort to war must be firmly ruled out. Significantly, many among Pakistan's foreign friends also feel that this time round the subcontinental neighbours have a good chance to resolve the Kashmir issue.