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DAWN - the Internet Edition


April 9, 2003 Wednesday Safar 6, 1424
Features


In the grip of anti-war protests: DATELINE DHAKA
The peaceful way: DATELINE ISLAMABAD
Patients’ suffering more than ever: DATELINE FAISALABAD
Opposition in Sharjah tournament not all that hot: SWINGING DRIVES
Archaeology: subjective or objective



In the grip of anti-war protests: DATELINE DHAKA


By Nurul Kabir

DHAKA, unofficial Dhaka, that is, has witnessed over the decades innumerable instances of political resistance against numerous brands of undemocratic governance, such as British colonial rule, the military dictatorship of Pakistani generals, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s one-party regime, martial law imposed by Bangladeshi generals, parliamentary autocracies under Sheikh Hasina and Khalida Zia and so on.

Dhaka still feels proud of Matiul and Kader who sacrificed their lives on January 1, 1973 while protesting against the US aggression against Vietnam. It is, therefore, not surprising that the city has these days been witnessing hundreds of demonstrations against the war on Iraq.

The Dhaka University Teachers-Students Anti-war Alliance, a newly born peace organization, held a mock-trial of US President George W.Bush and British Prime Minister Tony Blair on March 31 at a crowded ‘open court’ set up at the foot of Aparajeyo Bangla (Indomitable Bangladesh) — a huge piece of sculpture erected on the University campus.

The three ‘judges’, headed by Language Movement veteran Abdul Matin, found Bush and Blair guilty of war crimes, breaching international human rights instruments and destroying world heritage sites in Iraq. The judges awarded capital punishment. Before the verdict, the ‘judges’ observed all established norms of an official trial, which included, among other procedures, asking the petitioners to frame charges and allowing the ‘accused’ to defend themselves through ‘lawyers’. The judgement, a written one, was read out to the cheers of several hundred teachers and students.

Some angry demonstrators have recently put up a big effigy of president Bush at a major intersection in the capital with notes reading, “I am Bush, beat me,” “I am a sinner, punish me”. Passers-by are often seen following the instructions.

Blind people may not be able to follow the war on television, but they could not remain unmoved by the plight of the Iraqi people. A group of them people took to the streets last week, with placards in their hands, one of which read: “We protest against war that increases the number of crippled people.”

With mainstream political parties like the ruling Bangladesh Nationalist Party and the main opposition Awami League confining themselves to issuing guarded statements for ‘world peace’, and that too without hurting the ‘sentiments’ of the Bush administration, the left-and right-wing groups have taken over the streets. They have so far made several abortive attempts to besiege the US embassy and the British High Commission in Dhaka. Police have neither let the protesters march towards the US and British missions nor have they treated the protesters harshly. A police officer was seen late last week enjoying the witty words inscribed on an anti-war placard carried by an environmental activist that read: “We need trees, not Bushes”.

Writers and poets have come out with two anti-war publications. One is a compilation of poems and the other of essays denouncing war in general the war on Iraq in particular. Besides, a local publishing company has organized a 15-day fair of anti-war books, with more than 200 titles on display. The books, both in Bangla and English, authored by local and foreign writers, cover a wide range of war-related issues, especially the ‘capitalist’ causes and severe consequences of wars taking place in different parts of the world.

Meanwhile, some journalists have responded to the left’s call for boycotting Anglo-American goods. One of them, a smoker, burnt his pack of Benson and Hedges, publicly promising not to touch the brand any more. Another young journalist moves around the capital in his car displaying a sticker the reads: “I am trying my best to avoid US products.”

Cartoonists of the city have also not legged behind. They had a three-day anti-war cartoon exhibition in the city. Some of the caricatures of Bush and Blair on display were so aggressive that the cartoonists concerned would not have been spared had the two leavers come across their pieces of art.

There are people who cannot, for various practical reasons, physically join rallies and demonstrations or human chains in protest. They register their protests silently and in many ways, including naming their newborns after the name of the ‘underdog’ who ‘heroically’ fights against the mighty invaders. Many parents in Dhaka have named their newborn sons after Saddam Hussein.

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The peaceful way: DATELINE ISLAMABAD


By Aileen Qaiser

FOR the past two weeks students from Quaid-i-Azam University have been picketing at two American fast food outlets in Islamabad and Rawalpindi. Their objective - to encourage the public to join them in protesting against US-led war on Iraq by boycotting American products.

The QAU students, who were later joined by students from the International Islamic University and Comsats Institute of Information Technology, have been picketing at the two fast food outlets from 6am to 9pm daily, distributing pamphlets and talking to the people coming to patronize these American food outlets. The public’s response has been much more encouraging than the students had expected.

The QAU students had started out rather apprehensively, not sure exactly how the public would react. After all, the anti-Iraq war reaction on the streets in Pakistan has been no match as compared to that seen in some Western cities where citizens have poured out spontaneously onto the streets in hundreds of thousands protesting against US-led war on Iraq.

Some say this is a reflection of a society lacking strong democratic traditions and institutions; others say it is due to political apathy. The QAU students have come to believe it is just lack of public awareness.

The campaign to boycott American products originally started in the Muslim countries in the Middle East, where citizens have been adopting this peaceful means to demonstrate their protest against US policies after the coalition war in Afghanistan. With the onset of the American-led war in Iraq, the boycott campaign has also caught on among anti-war activists in some European countries.

The picketing by QAU students is the first such effort to mobilize a boycott of American products in Pakistan. According to a member of the Citizens’ Peace Committee (CPC), a civil society organization based in Islamabad/Rawalpindi which is coordinating the boycott campaign, on the first day of the drive, some 70 per cent of the people who had come to eat at the outlet in Islamabad turned back. On subsequent days, the response was even better — as high as 90 per cent.

The 10 per cent who responded negatively to the boycott campaign were mainly drivers/domestic servants who had been sent to buy food at the outlet, those who had come to attend parties arranged at the outlet, and those who said they just didn’t care about American policies.

One thing surprising, says the CPC member, is that the religious parties in Pakistan have not jumped onto the boycott bandwagon despite the fact that the campaign had started in the Muslim countries many months ago. Although some religious leaders, and even district nazims, have been calling upon the people to boycott American goods, these have yet to be followed through with any organized, concerted effort to mobilize their constituencies to actually shun American products.

The citizens’ boycott campaign in the twin cities is being targeted only at American food and beverages — products which have a cultural impact and could easily be shunned by people taking alternative brands or alternative foods. In addition to the picketing at American fastfood outlets, colour posters advocating boycott of American beverages are being put up at shops and eating places where such products are being sold.

The CPC, a movement that directly resulted from the 1998 nuclear explosions conducted by India and in response by Pakistan, intends to extend the picketing to other American fast food outlets in Islamabad. It is also working with various traders associations in Islamabad and Rawalpindi to try and convince them to participate in the boycott campaign. It is also in contact with peace activists and traders associations in other major cities encouraging them to join in the boycott campaign. The CPC plans to eventually extend the boycott net to include American petroleum products and companies in Pakistan.

This form of protest is unprecedented in the Capital and it represents a positive change from the violent kind of protests against American policies that Islamabad itself has seen over the past two over decades. Beginning with the mob burning of the American embassy in the Diplomatic Enclave in November 1979 that killed two American nationals, the attack on the American Centre in Blue Area in 1989 and again in November 1999 by rocket attacks, to the grenade attack on the church in the Diplomatic Enclave in March 2002 that killed an American diplomat’s wife and daughter, these violent methods of protest have not been inconsistent with that seen in many other parts of the world during the same period.

Says the CPC member, the boycott campaign could eventually prove to be a more effective means of protest against American policies than smashing windows or throwing bombs have proved to be, provided the effort is widespread and longlasting enough to make an impact. According to one estimate, one week’s boycott of American products by all the Muslim countries could cost American companies $9 billion.

QAU students and the CPC have set a new trend in Pakistan by their boycott campaign. Directing the public to express their protest against American policies through this peaceful means might help to divert people away from the more violent methods of expression. But whether violent or peaceful methods of protest, they are symbolic of how far down the road Pakistanis’ view of America have come since the early days when the firm crossed-arm friendship handshake sign used to be the symbol found on many an item given to Pakistan by America.

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Patients’ suffering more than ever: DATELINE FAISALABAD


By Shamsul Islam Naz

Perks and privileges given to the principal executive officer and his army of personal staff and vigilance cell comprising retired army personnel have aggravated the financial burden of the Punjab Medical College and its attached teaching hospitals — DHQ and Allied.

An inquiry conducted by this correspondent revealed a pathetic financial picture of these institutions which has shattered the very objective of their functioning, causing innumerable problems to patients, medical students, professors and other staff.

It was observed that for the last one decade a number of posts of the teaching staff in almost all departments have been lying vacant, affecting educational activities of the PMC. Yet, the authorities have not been making any effort to acquire the services of professors in their respective fields. Such a negative and indifferent attitude of the managers of the health department and the principal has spoiled the educational standard of the PMC.

The PMC sources admitted that the institution was not delivering the goods and imparting medical education in its true perspective according to the criteria laid down for producing MBBS graduates, in the absence of teachers in various important fields. Apart from this, the PMC and both the teaching hospitals having more than 1,600 beds are confronted with a number of problems due to which the patients are suffering. The suffering of the patients can be judged from the fact that the death rate in both these teaching hospitals is the highest in the country as compared to other teaching hospitals.

However, the managers of the PMC, Allied and DHQ hospitals claim that the main cause of the mess and suffering of the patients is lack of funds, requisite infrastructure and trained paramedical staff.

They claimed that the annual budget of the PMC, Allied and DHQ hospitals was about Rs290 million, out of which Rs250 million were being spent on salaries and other fringe benefits of the employees. Similarly, about Rs60 million were being spent annually on payment of public utility charges like electricity, gas and water. The Punjab government against the total expenses of Rs310 million involving payment of salaries and public utility services was providing only Rs290 million per annum, while the rest of the expenses were being generated by these institutions through collection of ‘parchi fee’ of outdoor patients and other levies. Not a single penny was being spent for the last one-and-a-half decade on medical research in different fields and on diseases.

The very objective of attaching a medical educational institution is to concentrate on research and impart education and training to students according to the latest developments. An emerging feature of these institutions is the abolition of the quota of 85 per cent seats for male and 15 per cent for female students since the introduction of the merit system, as a result of which the ratio of girl students has shot up to 71 per cent of the total enrolment of PMC.

To meet the requirements and challenges posed by this trend, the management of these institutions had to take some measures involving collection of finances. However, paucity of funds is the main impediment in providing relief to girl students and redressing their grievances.

Due to the financial crisis of the PMC and its teaching hospitals, the chances of providing any medicine to deserving patients have been eliminated. Medicines are being provided only to a few patients from the Zakat fund, and one has to pass through agony to get medicines from the Zakat fund.

The constitution of BoGs was made by the authorities in violation of the criteria laid down by the government itself in the management boards of the Medical Institution Ordinance, 2002. The ordinance says: “The BoGs members will comprise medical research scholars, academicians and local industrialists.” But in the PMC, all members inducted into the BoG are industrialists having scant knowledge and experience of medical education.

The BoGs taking over the affairs of these institutions, instead of putting them on the right path, have concentrated on recruiting new staff burdening the kitty of these institutions.

An example is the recruitment of principal executive officer Maj-Gen Syed Ghafoor Shah, who was retired after 30 years of service in various army medical institutions and was enjoying Grade-20 at a bar of Rs27,000 per month with other benefits. He has now been recruited at a fabulous salary of Rs150,000 per month. The gentleman, according to medical experts, does not fulfil the qualifications for appointment in medical institutions as he has not even a single day’s experience in any such institution to his credit. Similarly, he does not fulfil the criteria of sitting in the academic council of the PMC.

The PEO after taking over the affairs of PMC surprised everyone when he recruited over two dozen army personnel by establishing a vigilance cell and fixed their salaries from Rs5,000 to Rs7,000 per month.

The BoGs and PEO claimed that they would change the environment in PMC and its attached hospitals for the benefit of students, teachers and the paramedical staff and arrange prompt medical assistance for the patients, but the ground realities are different. The miseries of patients have aggravated. The teaching and paramedical staff and doctors are not rendering services with zeal and enthusiasm and no extraordinary care to the patients is being provided as claimed by the BoGs.

A woman sitting outside the blood bank in despair said she had been told by the doctors to bring blood. But the staff of the blood bank refused, telling her to provide a bottle of blood in exchange for the group/type she needed. Similarly, the relatives of the patients of emergency operation theatres, coronary care, gynae, medical and surgical units complained that they were forced to bring medicines from outside the hospitals. Likewise, complaints of charging higher rates for various diagnostic tests from both the laboratories of Allied and DHQ hospitals are rising, besides complaints of inaccurate results of hospital labs.

The BoGs also seen to have failed to make arrangements for the provision of nursing and medical staff in consonance with the standard laid down by the World Health Organization. The outdoor patients are seen roaming around rooms and wards to have access to professors (consultants), who seem not to be caring for their assignments, while the BoGs and PEO are playing the role of a silent spectator.

Allegedly, the BoGs and the PEO after taking over the affairs of the Allied and DHQ hospitals managed to “accommodate” their favourites against the posts of medical superintendents by forcing their predecessors to report to the provincial health headquarters.

The lucky ones elevated to the posts of MS are junior to those who have been removed from the scene. Those who have been posted as MS are serving in contravention of the government rules as their tenure in these hospitals has become three years. One of the medical superintendents has been serving in the DHQ Hospital for over a decade although he is reportedly involved in political activities.

It seems that the BoGs and the PEO have not yet formulated any guidelines for the hospital administration to follow. Rather, it has been observed that the teaching and paramedical staff has not accepted the BoGs from their heart, while the boards in their meetings are passing abusive remarks about the teaching and paramedical staff and accusing them of being indifferent to the miseries of the health-seekers for the sake of money.

When contacted, the Allied Hospital’s PEO said emergency wards of both the Allied and DHQ hospitals were not up to the mark. The emergency ward of the Allied Hospital had been renovated and made centrally air-conditioned with an expenditure of Rs8 million — raised through donations. Such improvements had also been made at the DHQ Hospital.

He claimed that medicines in emergency wards were being provided without any charges. Similarly free treatment was being extended to the patients in coronary care units.

He said a new operation theatre complex having three operation theatres for plastic surgery had been constructed at a cost of Rs8 million. The construction work of 80 toilets was in progress.

He said nine shops had been auctioned to different parties which would fetch an annual income of Rs8 million on account of rent.

He said free food supply for over 800 patients and their attendants daily had been functioning for the last six months in the Allied Hospital. Similar arrangements had also been made in the DHQ Hospital.

He claimed that the BoGs had also established a ‘drug bank’ in the Allied Hospital which provided medicines to the poor patients free of cost. For the purpose, a patients welfare society was also being established, he said.

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Opposition in Sharjah tournament not all that hot: SWINGING DRIVES


By Omar Kureishi

I MUST admit that it is not easy to concentrate on cricket, much less enjoy it while a brutal war rages in Iraq. Still the show must go on. So far so good for the new-look Pakistan team. But Sharjah was never going to provide a real test. It’s a friendly environment and the nature of the opposition in this particular tournament is not all that hot.

But the main idea is to re-build and there appears to be little doubt that there is more cohesion, more spirit in the team. This generally happens with a new team. The skill lies in the ability to sustain the exuberance. Not only is the team new but also the management.

There seems to be a general approval about the re-building process and the virtues of youth are being extolled even by those who themselves set a bad example by hanging around when it had become apparent that it was well past the time for calling it a day.

The key is going to be providing some security to the new players. They need to be given a long run and though we should monitor their performance carefully, we should accept that there will be some false starts. But what needs to be avoided is the sense of smugness that some kind of revolutionary change has taken place in our cricket thinking.

This is not the first time that Pakistan has experimented with a new-look team. When Kerry Packer arrived on the scene, like Pied Piper he was able to take away the best players.

Packer had made it clear that he would make the players available for national duty but so incensed were the various cricket boards with the players who had ‘deserted’ to Packer that they gave these players the boot. In the end the prodigals were received back and they dined on the fatted calf.

I think it is wholly wrong to portray the axed senior players as some sort of villains. To wholly blame them for the World Cup debacle is manifestly unfair. The senior players per se were not a part of the problem.

The re-building process should be de-linked from the poor performance of the team in the World Cup. Rather, we should take the stand that we would have proceeded with the re-building irrespective.

Re-building is an attempt to acquire a bank of players so that there is a greater pool of players available for national duty. There seems to be no need to follow the political pattern of debunking previous leaders.

On the contrary, these senior players should be actively involved in the re-building. Most of them rendered distinguished service to cricket. There is an irony of sorts that to date in the Sharjah tournament Pakistan has needed the contributions from Abdul Razzaq, Younis Khan, Yousuf Youhana and Rashid Latif to see them through.

Once South Africa pulled out for wholly untenable reasons, the tournament seemed less competitive. And it was generally expected that it would be a Pakistan-Sri Lanka final. But Zimbabwe had other ideas and it is Sri Lanka that had to take an early flight back home.

Sri Lanka has looked jaded and a troubled team. Usually, it gives the impression of being a happy team. On his return from the World Cup, Sanath Jayasuriya had resigned as captain but his resignation had not been accepted. Now he has resigned once again and may have played his last match as captain.

I have absolutely no idea about the internal politics of Sri Lankan cricket but can only guess that something is not quite right. There was some palaver about the selection of the team. Kumar Sangakkara was initially dropped but re-instated in the team as a specialist batsmen. He showed his detractors, if there were any, that he was not amused and he slammed two hundreds on a trot.

Sri Lanka too has been unlucky. Chaminda Vaas has had to go home without having bowled a ball, a sprained ankle and Dilhara Fernando was nursing a stiff back.

But more than that, I don’t think that Muttiah Muralitharan is in his best form. He still remains a bowler who commands respect but I may be wrong, and I hope that I am, he seems not to be taking wickets.

Muralitharan did not have a particularly good World Cup and at Sharjah he has had only modest success by his standard. I am wondering if he has fully recovered from his shoulder injury.

New Zealand is proving to be a difficult team. It walked out of a tour of Pakistan because of an unrelated bomb blast at an adjoining hotel in Karachi.

Then it refused to play in Nairobi and forfeited the points (and I hope will be made to pay a financial penalty as well) and now we learn that it is monitoring the deadly pneumonia outbreak in Asia before deciding to tour Sri Lanka later this month.

As far as I know there have been no cases of this pneumonia in Sri Lanka though there have been few cases in Canada. If there is any health hazard, it would apply to all teams taking part in the tournament.

Actually it should be the other way round. Since the New Zealand team is scheduled to fly to Colombo via Singapore, there is danger that the New Zealand team may become carriers of the mysterious virus.

I think that the New Zealand cricketers need to grow up. They have to live in a world that the rest of us do. If they are constantly feeling threatened, they should pull out from international cricket until they are satisfied that the world has become a safe place.

It will, unfortunately, have to be a long wait. Somehow the New Zealand players think nothing about brawling in night clubs but they are terribly concerned about security.

I think if there is any health hazard, I imagine that the Sri Lankan government would be aware of it. But somehow New Zealand does not seem to ‘trust’ home governments. They prefer to deal with their own independent sources.

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Archaeology: subjective or objective


IT is indeed surprising that we in Pakistan have not made any significant use of the equation between the material cultural complexes and our political vision.

This indifference has become so colossal that there is now in vogue a tendency to go for ‘contradictory’ interpretations of the archaeological data of a national culture. This data is exhibited in museums or taught in our textbooks as evidence for activities of ‘races,’ ‘peoples,’ ‘tribes,’ ‘linguistic groups’ or other socially-derived ethnic amalgamations. Hence there is a pervasive feeling in academic circles that interpretations based on archaeological data are, more often than not, being subjected to subjective interpretations. Different regions have had the tendency to interpret the data differently.

It is for the reason stated above that there is a growing emphasis on the need for ‘archaeological objectivity.’ It is being contended that evidence of the past, including archaeological evidence, has been used and viewed by particular groups (whether local, regional and national) differently at different times. The reasons are being explored as to why particular interpretations have been chosen or favoured by individual societies and traditions at specific points in their development, or at certain stages in their activities.

For instance, the excavations of Moen Jo Daro and Harappa gave rise to Indian nationalism before 1947 in that they generated the self-adulation of having achieved the unmatched scale of civilization 5,000 years ago. The politicians sunk the notion of continuing regression down to the present times from the benchmark year of 2500 BC. Considering the plight of the Hari in 1940 (why not 2003) compared with the life of his ancestor in 2500-3000 BC in northern Sindh, the easier inference is that the Hari of our times is a net loser. The Moen Jo Daro script also intoxicated us as it proved the marked intellectual development of the peoples so early on the civilizational scale. The idea that the Hindu god Shiva was a gift of the Indus Valley Civilization to the Hindu Trinity made the brown and dark coloured indigenous people to believe that they were part of the Hindu pantheon. The feeling of subjugation was repressed; instead the pride of subsequent partnership with the Aryan invaders in their religious hierarchy became a compensatory acquisition.

I believe that quite a few formulations on the ancientness of languages are also based on the archaeological data of the Moen Jo Daro and Harappan complexes. Sirajul Haq Memon’s thesis of the Dravidian roots of Sindhi language took its cue from the archaeological data. So did Sohail Bukhari and Shabbir Ahmed Kazmi’s thesis about Urdu. Urdu was also pushed to the Dravidian antiquity. In Punjab, Abdul Haq Mahar did the same for Seraiki (Multani). Now in our times Mustansar Husain Tarar has tried to confirm the same thesis in his novel Bahao, the seminal volume of his trilogy.

Not only was Gul Khan Naser, well-known Baluchi poet and scholar, in his book Koocho-o-Baloch spurred by his nationalistic drives to prove that the Brahvis were not Dravidians as suggested by British scholar Bray, but they also were Balochis. We saw that most linguists, including those of Punjabi, were breaking loose from Grierson’s Indo-Aryan motherhood of languages when archaeological data impelled them to use it for the new claim.

Post-1947 scenario: It was after the establishment of Pakistan that we came across different viewpoints originating from the new excavations in Sindh, Punjab, Balochistan and the NWFP. Attempts were made to discover connections between the ‘living patterns’ and the imagined historical ties.

The first site excavated by F. A. Khan was Bhambore. It lies on the north bank of Gharo Creek, about 40 miles east of Karachi, and has long been taken to be the old site of Debal, conquered by Mohammed Bin Qasim in 711. It strengthened the notion that the Islamic past has a tangible history from 711 AD onwards.

The second site was Mansoora, eight miles southwest of Shahdadpur in Sanghar district. The other discoveries were those of the tomb of Mohammed Bin Harun, an Arab general, at Bela in Balochistan and the tomb of Shah Gardez in the village of Adam Wahan in Bahawalpur. The latest discovery a mosque of the times of Sultan Mohammed of Ghazni was made by the Italian Archaeological Mission of Irdeyram in Swat.

As opposed to this trend recent archaeological finds in Hunza, Ziarat, Gulmit, Alam Bridge and Chilas took a different turn and proved that Pakistan is the historical ancient India and the present-day India is, in fact, modern India. The rock-carvings of the Jataka stories have provided the continuity of a great literary tradition. The Buddhist connection and the vogue of Kharoshti and Brahmi inscriptions confirm this region’s identification with the Buddhist culture and the similarities between the ancient and present day’s scripts.

The most surprising aspect of the excavations in the northern region is the stupa inscription of Lord Krishna and Balarama in the Chilas region, in the midst of the rock-carving art adulating Buddha and Bodhisattvas.

Another post-partition treasure of new excavations has been able to unearth a number of Hindu Shahi (8th-10th centuries AD) mud-brick forts in Tulemba (Khanewal) area. It was a continuation of the work undertaken by Alexander Cunningham at Amb, Malot, Katas, Baghanwala, Bari, Kot, Udegram (Swat), Panchkora (NWFP), Baser Aila (NWFP), Doda (NWFP), Qala Dheri (NWFP), Damkot (NWFP). Coins of Hindu Shahi rulers Sri Vakkadeva (920-950 AD) and Sri Samantadeva (850-870 AD) have also been found.

The Hindu Shahi forts in Punjab and the NWFP provide a great deal of interest in the pre-Mahmud of Ghazni Hindu Punjab. The question arises whether the early Muslim centres such as Bhambore and Mansura and the Hindu Shahi forts seek to strengthen the claims of subjective or objective interpreters of history.

If this issue is resolved, then what about the rock-carvings of Krishna. Did the Krishna worship really follow the Buddhist period in this region. This is a new development and Indian archaeologists are on a wild-goose chase because there was no historical record for Krishna worship in the northern areas soon after the Buddhist period.

Should we conclude, then, that the Krishna carving could just be a curiosity-icon and the northern region’s close links with the plains of Punjab didn’t have any historical basis.

Another interesting point. The close connection between the Jataka stories — carved on the rocks — and the ‘Dastan’ stories which travellers in the northern areas over the centuries have vouchsafed are now well-connected, thanks to the excavations in the northern areas. Shouldn’t we conclude then that the study of script, oral literature, folklore and written literatures shouldn’t be ideally undertaken without recourse to archaeological objectivity. It is futile to prove our cherished desires by distorting the complex material of archaeology.

This is the only way to surmise that the ancients were not so calculated and conscious as to leave behind a programmed succession of data (with datable events). It is only we, the present-day generation, who would like to interpret archaeology to suit our purposes the way the Nazis did in Germany and Ian Smith’s Rhodesian regime did over Great Zimbabwe.

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