| March 9, 2003 | Sunday | Muharram 5, 1424 |
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State of women
It’s only a game
THE National Assembly continues to be paralyzed by the opposition’s protest over the Legal Framework Order, although both the prime minister and the leader of the ruling PML(Q) have promised negotiations in an effort to break the deadlock. The sooner an earnest and sincere dialogue is initiated, the better. It must be realized by all concerned, including those who have authored the current dispensation, that the country is faced with a fundamental crisis of who has the right to govern: the people through their elected representatives or non-political actors. This is not a new dilemma, and has been a recurring problem ever since Ayub Khan’s martial law in 1958. However, it has come to a head as never before and a clear-cut solution is necessary. Power-sharing formulas and controlled-democracy systems have been tried before and have failed: they are totally anachronistic in a world that has moved into a new century of political enlightenment. They reflect a contempt for the democratically expressed will of the people that is wholly unacceptable.
The opposition has questioned the LFO primarily on account of the fact that it ensures that ultimate power remains in the hands of the military. It says that provisions providing for a president in uniform, a National Security Council as a supra-constitutional body over and above parliament, and Section 58(2)(b) must be removed. This is a position that enjoys widespread support among all sections of democratic opinion. If the government persists in its folly of refusing to seek a compromise on these measures, one can only foresee further turbulence, with the Senate also prevented from functioning normally and many Senators-elect probably refusing to take oath under the arbitrarily amended Constitution. The president and his advisers made a mistake by tampering with the Constitution on a scale that fundamentally altered its character, and did so ahead of general elections; even the judiciary does not have the right to amend or re-write the country’s Basic Law. A far more sensible course would have been to discuss the changes considered necessary with all political parties before the elections and convening of parliament. We believe that if this approach had been adopted, there was room for an amicable settlement based on give-and-take with the mainstream parties, which would also have obviated the tortuous efforts made necessary by the need to create a new Muslim League. Instead, the military-led government never relented in its campaign of vilification of political parties and politicians.
The way out that now suggests itself is that the prime minister must convince the president that a cut-off date should be agreed on to end the existing anomaly of the head of state also retaining office as army chief. It should be clearly indicated that Section 58(2)(b), which has been revived in the LFO in its original Zia form (contrary to the impression that, because of a typographical mix-up, might have been created by Friday’s editorial), is open to review, as also the National Security Council. There should also be a positive attempt to establish greater trust between the government and the mainstream political parties. Two of the largest — the PPP and PML(N) — may, in the process, have to abandon their proclivity to be entirely managed from abroad. Their leadership in the country should be empowered to take decisions in the national interest rather than in the interest of protecting individuals. A certain amount of sacrifice is required all around in view of the gravity of the situation facing the country. There has to be a stop somewhere in the cycle of people electing a parliament, then the parliament being reduced to a non-entity and consequently degenerating into disorder, and eventually sent packing by people without a popular mandate. We are not destined to keep on repeating our mistakes. Any compromise reached between the government and the opposition will have to be placed before the parliament for endorsement by a two-thirds majority as required under the Constitution.
PARTICIPANTS, including government officials, attending the Women’s Day seminars held every year in various parts of the country, say all the right things. Yet, year after year, the actual state of Pakistani women shows little, if any, improvement. This is because gender bias against women continues to be practised at two levels. The state does this by keeping anti-women laws on the statute book, and society in general does so by turning a blind eye to growing incidents of violence and social crime against women. There is no national action plan to set things right with regard to women’s issues even though successive governments have repeatedly pledged to put one together. Today, the literacy rate among Pakistani women is just under 28 per cent, which is less than half that of men. Women working in the industrial and service sectors earn only one-third of what their male counterparts do, while those working in the agriculture sector mostly receive no remuneration, not even recognition for their productive efforts. The United Nations Development Programme ranks Pakistan 120th in women’s development in its index comprising 146 countries.
Pakistani women live in a society that is making a slow and unsteady transition from the traditional tribal and feudal mould to modern norms, values, sensitivities and an active concern for rights and interests. Social discrimination and injustice in diverse forms ranging from primitive tribal justice and honour killings to a general neglect of women’s basic health needs and wellbeing, are rampant. State laws, such as the Hudood Ordinances and Law of Evidence, further relegate women to a deplorable state. These are neither in keeping with basic religious tenets nor compatible with the norms of civil society. Packing the legislatures and the local bodies with women, as has been recently done, will serve little purpose unless there is a well thought-out national programme in place for women’s uplift. This should entail creating public awareness about the primacy of giving women their due social and legal rights on a par with men, as well as taking steps to repeal all anti-women laws. A holistic approach needs to be adopted to effectively address the pressing issues at hand. Piecemeal measures directed at women’s uplift in the past have only served cosmetic purposes.
FANS of Pakistan cricket could do with a dose of sportsman spirit. Ever since the team spectacularly crashed out of the World Cup, for its most dismal showing so far in any such event, players and the management have been subjected to all manner of reviling and ridicule. Several incidents have been reported of frustrated fans burning effigies of the captain and other senior players. Newspaper cartoonists too have been in a pillorying mood, with one sketch showing team members returning in veils.
The players have finally returned home, albeit in small batches, and thankfully have so far escaped the full wrath of the cricket-loving public. However, sensing the prevailing mood, an extensive security cordon had to be placed at the airports for the players’ safety. Calls have been made for heads to roll and the race to find scapegoats is in full steam. However, it is very easy to breathe fire in a situation like this. Unfortunately, much of the criticism, even from cricket experts, has not been very objective or helpful. That is not something Pakistani cricket needs at the moment. Not that the cricket fans do not have sufficient reasons to feel let down over the pathetic performance of their team. However, it is important to remember that the failure was in a sport, not in a war. It is all a matter of balance and proportion when it comes to celebrating a spectacular achievement or grieving over tragic loss. After all, sporting spirit is not for sportsmen alone to imbibe and practise.