Firm policies, not tokenism

THE Jamali cabinet held its first meeting on Tuesday, and perhaps for that reason at least it deserves some notice. In a gesture meant to establish the new government’s populist credentials, a reduction of 12 paisa per unit was announced in the power tariff for all categories of consumers. Whether the cut is substantial or merely cosmetic can be debatable. But the utility burden on the average household is so great that any relief, even if in the nature of a small reduction, should be welcome. Incomes have suffered serious erosion because of a variety of reasons: the price of basic services is one of them. A coherent policy designed to check this erosion is needed rather than the fits-and-starts approach reflected in decisions over the past few years with regard to electricity, gas and petrol prices. The production cost of utilities needs to be properly worked out and then somebody should be able to see how the benefit can be delivered to various sectors and various economic groups within budgetary and IMF-imposed constraints. Sporadic cuts and jumps only confuse the overall picture without actually winning either popular approval or helping economic stability. Where power is concerned, both rampant consumerism and wanton line losses also deserve serious attention. With an estimated 38 per cent of the people living below the poverty line, it does not seem right that public offices and official residences should bristle with an airconditioner in every window. If the government practices a certain measure of austerity in its consumption of state resources, there may be a trickle-down effect on other sections of society as well.

But the greater challenge that goes beyond utility rates lies in tackling a host of other pressing problems plaguing the daily lives of citizens. Economic adjustments have taken a heavy toll of the lowest income groups. According to a review by the Social Policy and Development Centre, 6.5 per cent of the labour force is unemployed, with over 350,000 people losing jobs in the past three years alone. The income share of the top 20 per cent of households grew from 44 per cent in 1988 to 50 per cent in 1998, but the share of the lowest 20 per cent declined from nine per cent to seven per cent. The inequality is reflected everywhere — in housing, transport facilities, access to health services and education. The Jamali government has been underlining ‘continuity’ of economic policies when what is really required is a radical new thrust aimed at ensuring greater social justice. Mr Shaukat Aziz, who has been retained as adviser on finance, claims that as finance minister he had set the basics right: maybe now he can guide the new government towards steps that can make living less of a an agonizing struggle for the majority of the people.

Whatever else it did, the cabinet took a wrong turn in sanctioning Rs 10 million per year in development funds for each MNA. This exercise in petty bribery was begun by Ziaul Haq and has been continued by successive administrations. It must stop. Development work should be undertaken through an institutional framework, not by individuals at their discretion. With elected local body tiers at almost every level in place, channels already exist for utilization of money for small-scale projects. A clash in jurisdictions and over power wielding in any case appears to be in the offing between MNAs/MPAs and local councillors: it will be hastened by the cabinet’s decision on development funding.

Denial of rights

THE Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) has sounded a grim note of warning saying that ordinary Pakistanis continue to be deprived of some of their most basic rights. Using the occasion of International Human Rights Day, the HRCP said that in many aspects, the situation had worsened. It is a matter of common concern that the provision of many basic rights that people in other countries take for granted remains hostage to the whims of the government. Vast powers have been appropriated by the president at the expense of the legislative branch of government and portions of the 1973 Constitution have yet to be restored despite the return to elected government. Particularly troubling have been recent amendments to the anti-terrorism laws that allow the government to detain citizens for up to one year on mere suspicion without having to present them before a court of law.

Other than that, several measures taken by the authorities have alienated large segments of the population. Peasants working on military farms and struggling for the right to own land have been subjected to the most brutal kind of treatment by law enforcement agencies as have teachers and doctors protesting against the perceived abridgement of their due rights. Similarly, citizens in places as far afield as Sri Saral outside Islamabad and Karachi have had to fight, mostly in vain, to protect their homes and their living environment. Often, it is seen that the government’s vision of development does not seem particularly accommodative, or even appreciative, of the needs of the citizens most affected by such development. Discriminatory laws against women have not been revoked, and the blasphemy law continues to be grossly misused against minorities. Juvenile offenders are still treated as adults and lodged with hardened criminals. Despite several official pronouncements, no legislation has been enacted to equate honour killing with premeditated murder. While it can be argued that the general state of such affairs can only improve with greater awareness through education and economic progress, the government can at least enforce the existing laws and take action against officials who trespass on citizens’ basic rights.

Ghazi Barotha delay

THE long delay in the completion of the Ghazi Barotha project is a serious matter in the context of the development of the country’s hydro-energy potential. A report prepared by Wapda’s director-general (audit) has drawn attention to the huge loss caused by the failure to commission the project on time. The main works were contracted out in 1995 and the project had to be completed by September 2000. The report indicates a delay of about 24 months as a result of suspension and slow pace of work. It has pointed out that the project has suffered a loss of Rs 80 billion — Rs 70 billion because of delay and more than Rs 10 billion on account of misappropriation. This speaks of grave irregularities and mismanagement in the execution of the scheme designed to produce 1,450 MW of electricity by harnessing the untapped potential of the Indus River.

Foreign funding being involved in the project, it was absolutely necessary to ensure that it was completed on time to avoid cost escalation and ease the energy situation. Reliance on costly thermal power has led to recurrent tariff increases, adding to the common consumers’ burden, besides affecting industrial production costs and price competitiveness of the country’s exports. The crucial need was for an implementation schedule to be strictly followed and, where necessary, rigorously enforced. Huge losses were also incurred by ignoring the funding offer of local donors and by making payments over and above contractual provisions. Wapda’s Vision 2025 programme for energy development will remain a distant dream if implementation of tasks in hand is not sufficiently improved. Even at this late stage steps must be taken for the early commissioning of the Ghazi Barotha project, besides fixing responsibility for the delay and taking appropriate action where called for.