| October 3, 2002 | Thursday | Rajab 25, 1423 |
Confused? So are we
Electioneering at a snail’s pace
No visible traces of ‘biradarism’ in NA-126: CONSTITUENCY PROFILE
SOMEBODY remarked at the editorial meeting yesterday morning that the government was driving everyone bonkers.
“What will be the new form of governance in the Punjab after October12?; 2386 candidates are contesting 297 general seats. Who will succeed?”
Although he did not provide an answer, (and only narrated a fable to interpret as one liked) while giving his talk on “Punjab - A Crucible of History”, Fakir Syed Aijazuddin, whose family has been associated with Lahore for the past 200 years (three of his ancestors — Azizuddin, Nuruddin and Imamuddin — were in the court of Maharaja Ranjit Singh in positions of responsibility), presented, as it were, a “balance sheet” of some aspects of 3000 years of the Punjab’s history.
The talk was arranged by the Asian Study Group, described as voluntary, apolitical, non-hierarchical (that too in Islamabad!) by Parveen Malik of the organization, which has the Punjab as its theme for the current year. This was the opening event for the year 2002-2003 held at the auditorium of the Islamabad Club. One could find a number of retired federal secretaries, foreigners and diplomats among the audience.
The ASG was formed in 1973 and its present patron is British High Commissioner Hilary Synott, who spoke of the diversity of the activities of the organization, ranging from hitch-hiking to cycling, to library activities, to the Sufi music of the Punjab. Some of these activities were displayed in the form of a mela on an all Pakistan or Punjab basis. Traditional folk dances of Punjab were being performed by a party of male-artists.
Explaining the nomenclature of the Punjab, Mr Aijazuddin, a chartered accountant by profession, presented the well-known thesis of the name of the five rivers giving the province its name which, however, was challenged by a participant who thought it only referred to one single river, the Indus, and quoted Ibn-e-Batutta for this contention. The Greek named these five rivers as Hydaspes (Jehlum), Acesines (Chenab), Hyroates (Ravi) Hyphasis (Beas) and Hesunises (Sutlej). Those are the names by which they are identified on an early map of the Punjab printed in 1486 at Ulm in Germany, and came from an edition of Ptolemy’s Geographia.
Delineating on the ancient history of the Punjab, the speaker said that Alexander and his army crossed the Hindukush mountains in 327 BC, and the Greek invaders stayed in the Punjab for less than a year. He spoke of the defeat of King Porus at a site southwest of Jehlum. Under the Muryan emperor, Ashoka, the Punjab was forced to turn its face towards the body of the subcontinent. The Buddhist religion, Ashoka adopted, had a strong presence in the northern Punjab. One of its sacred shrines was the stuppa at Mankiyala, just outside Rawalpindi.
After Mohammad Bin Qasim, once “Islam had taken root, like a date palm, in the sands of Sindh as rapidly as it had in the equally inhospitable deserts of Arabia, a pattern of cross-border migration began that was to continue for centuries”. Aijazuddin gave the example of the tomb of the divine Rukn-i-Alam in Multan (built in 1335) and of Bibi Jaiwindi (built in 1494) which were part of the monumental impact of Islam in these areas. Tracing the impact of various Muslim dynasties in the Punjab, he said Mahmood of Ghazni appointed his favourite Malik Ayaz as governor, and it is the latter’s aesthetic sense that transformed Lahore into a centre of learning and spiritual debate. During his governorship Ali Ganj Baksh Hajveri, known as Data Ganj Baksh, the patron saint of Lahore, settled and died in that city. Talking of the Suris, he said Sher Shah Suri built Rohtas Fort.
Babur, the Mughal King, crossed the Indus at Attock in 1519, and made four incursions in the Punjab. Akbar built the Attock Fort in 1579.
For the first and last time, during Akbar’s reign, Aijazuddin said, the Punjab became a fulcrum of imperial significance when Lahore served as the capital of the Mughal Empire for 16 years between 1582 and 1598. It was a brief period of glory from which the Punjab never recovered until the early 19th century and after independence in 1947. Of all the Mughals, Jahangir had a special fondness for the Punjab. He could not have demonstrated that attachment more permanently than asking to be buried in Lahore, in the garden of his favourite wife Nur Jahan.
When Shah Jahan succeeded the throne, the Mughal Empire had expanded beyond Babur’s wildest dreams. The Punjab lay again on the periphery of greatness. The carpet industry in the Punjab became a rival of that in Persia, and within the Empire Lahore and Agra competed for pre-eminence.
Speaking about Guru Nanak, he said the movement, that led to the first real kingdom of the Punjab, had been inspired by him, and his temporal successor was Maharaja Ranjit Singh. Although small in stature, he knew how to dominate other men. Ranjit Singh spread the border of his dominion until it reached Peshawar in the northwest, Multan in the south, the hilly states in the north, and the impatient British across the Sutlej in the east. In 1839, Ranjit Singh died, and the conquering British took his throne away to Britain (it can still be seen at the Victoria and Albert Museum in London) in 1850, and the Punjab finished as a state in 1849. He then spoke of the British rule, and the institutions that they established.
Interspersed with witty remarks, Aijazuddin narrated an incident when a visiting British trade team came to Pakistan. One of them, a lawyer, was dressed in a black achkan and white shalwar. He explained that he had been coming to Pakistan since Zia’s days and when he first came, everyone else in the room was in shalwar kameez and he was the only one in a suit. Now, he said, everyone else is in a suit and he is only one in shalwar kameez.
To end the “epic”, and to finally asses the assets side of the balance sheet, perhaps, these sentences from the speech would suffice: “Most of you are already familiar with the Punjab... You live in it, no matter what the CDA says about Islamabad being the Federal Territory.” And: “Punjabis... are sons and daughters of a rich, fertile and productive soil.”—Mufti Jamiluddin Ahmed
It’s true. There hasn’t been so much confusion surrounding many issues of great national concern than now in the run-up to the Oct 10 elections. The government not only appears to be unclear itself over many matters but has admirably succeeded in confusing the rest of us, including the political parties.
What will be the status of the parliament that will come into being after the polls? Will it be able to approve, reject or amend the Legal Framework Order that has made far-reaching changes in the 1973 Constitution? Will the president’s term of five years be subject to parliamentary ratification? Will or will not parliamentarians-elect be expected to take an amended oath proclaiming fealty to the LFO and the earlier Provisional Constitutional Order, the mother of all actions that have been taken by the regime since assuming power?
A Supreme Court bench was reported on Monday to have made an observation that the LFO would not have legal status without approval by parliament. This has since been denied. A National Accountability Bureau source was reported to have said appropriate changes would be made in the oaths of office of the prime minister and MNAs-elect to give additional cover to the constitutional amendments made by the military-led government.
This too has been denied, although the relevant story was quite precise. The same story had cited the law secretary as saying that under the existing dispensation, members of parliament, as well as the prime minister, would have to take oath under the PCO. This has not been denied or clarified.
So, where does all that leave us? The situation literally bristles with legal and political conundrums. We do not know whether we are standing still or running or falling flat. The government itself seems to be getting into difficulties. Sir Walter Scott knew what he was talking about when he said: O what a tangled web we weave/When first we practise to deceive!
Our political parties also do not have an answer to these questions. They affirm that all legislation undertaken by the government and the changes made to the Constitution will have to be approved by parliament. But they are taking part in elections in a dispensation governed by the PCO, which implies tacit approval of the relevant ordinance. Does this tacit approval, which of course all of us as a nation have been forced to give to the PCO, mean that the political parties have cut their hands and cannot question the government’s “reforms” and constitutional changes?
There are other things being done that also leave many of us bewildered. We have decided to raise the height of the Mangla Dam that will displace thousands of people. When and by which experts was the decision made? It could easily be a carryover from plans of some previous government. But why now? Has a decision also been finally made about the construction of the Kalabagh Dam? Has everyone agreed to it?
Is it right or wrong that another constitutional amendment is being contemplated to introduce corporate farming and give land to multinationals and foreigners? Instead of reducing feudal holdings, do we want to create a new class of feudals (the practice of allotting land to military personnel has already contributed to that)? This is something really totally newfangled, and we wait to be fully briefed about the plan, if it exists.
The controversial defamation ordinance has meanwhile just been promulgated despite repeated urgings for it to be revised and further discussed. Was there a sudden proliferation of defamers in the country that required such inordinate haste? In the six days left to elections, how many more ordinances can we expect?
Political parties have come out with their manifestos only in the past few days. How many people have managed to go through them? Please raise your hands. It’s incredible that, knowing that elections of some sorts were coming, the parties should not have prepared their manifestos earlier. These should have been distributed among the voters rather than announced through newspaper columns. And has there or hasn’t there been a seat adjustment agreement between the PPP and the PML (N)? Some amusement will surely be provided by the report in a Lahore daily yesterday that Mian Nawaz Sharif called Ahmad Mukhtar of the PPP who is contesting against Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain in Gujrat and during the course of the conversation, Mukhtar expressed confidence that he would win. Apparently, Mian Sahib asked the PPP leader about the expected margin of his victory over Chaudhry Shujaat, whereupon Mukhtar wished to know the margin by which Mian Sahib wanted his foe Chaudhry Shujaat defeated. Twenty-thousand votes, Mian Sahib of the heavy mandate chortled. Is the PPP also in the game of fixing election results?
To round up, there’s the news item about a “mysterious group” that has the crescent as its election symbol. As many as 99 NA candidates are sporting this symbol, but little is known of the group’s antecedents or its leader. The PML (Q) is said to have avoided fielding candidates where the crescent-wallahs are standing. This is like the equally unknown organization that had recently taken out a big advertisement against Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif, asking us whether we could ever again vote for the two “corrupt” leaders. The organization called itself the Anjuman Ehtesab-i-Munafiqat or Munafiqeen. There should be a limit to hypocrisy, as Faiz Sahib had merrily chuckled about someone who drank but would not drink at diplomatic receptions.
And then there’s this Lahore-datelined story in yesterday’s Dawn about the allotment of an election symbol to a candidate headlined: “Butt gets hawk”.
COMPARED with the last exercise, electioneering in the province this time is moving at a snail’s pace. One finds fewer flags and banners and posters and handbills in circulation or on display in major cities and townships. Thanks to the code of conduct announced by the Election Commission of Pakistan that has taken away the fanfare and festivities of electioneering, i.e. the charm of public meetings on main thoroughfares.
However, it may surprise many to know that there are more hectic election activities taking place in rural Balochistan than in major townships and cities, including this provincial capital. People are generally showing little interest in holding big public meetings. In fact, the preferred ones are those held at some corners. To be precise, most election gatherings are at the moment held within the four walls. This makes it rather difficult to assess the popularity or otherwise of candidates and parties.
However, parties which are populist or have a greater pull among the people are exploiting the freedom of speech at meetings to criticize the government instead of seeking support for their candidates. Senior politicians and leaders are rarely heard discussing local issues or seeking votes.
To most observers here, electioneering has since 1985 been a business of hard cash because a political government would place development funds at the disposal of legislators, both national and provincial. It is this additional factor that takes away the glamour or charm of the forthcoming election. Candidates, mostly individuals (and not party nominees), are not gambling their money in politics as they think that they will not be able to recover their investment.
It is a big question mark in the present form of politicking under a general. Some of the moneyed candidates have, however, placed their resources at the disposal of their respective parties for operating the funds on their behalf. There is a liberal spending by the moneyed candidates but under the cover of their political parties. In any case, they are not involved in buying the loyalties of voters, groups of voters and communities directly.
Balochistan is notorious for dirty money in politics. People from the underworld have been financing candidates of their choice or getting them recommended by important public functionaries. The Afghan war and the induction of heroin money in the Baloch politics have brought about a qualitative change in the character of provincial politics. Some of the moneyed candidates, backed by the drug mafia, are operating dozens of Pajeros and Land Cruisers to influence the voters. It should not be surprising if such candidates are able to inflict a defeat on the populist parties, particularly those with a loud mouth. Such elements are not desirable for future assemblies, both the federal and provincial. They must remain out of the assemblies at all costs. It is in the interest of public functionaries, if nobody else.
On the other hand, the opposition parties, mainly the Balochistan National Party, MMA and the PMAP, are making the governor their main target, accusing him of horse-trading. More than once, the opposition candidates from Naushki and Dalbandin Provincial Assembly constituencies and NA-260, Quetta-Chaghai, have addressed joint news conferences — an unusual political event — and levelled serious allegations of attempt to bribe the voters in groups and the communities by offering them tubewells, bulldozer hours, pipes for irrigating fields, rigs and other facilities if they supported the PML (QA) candidates in the election.
One of the candidates has provided this correspondent a list of 13 people who have received pipes worth millions of rupees as late as Sept 10 last. Most of the recipients have no tubewells. Earlier, 50 people were awarded this facility but it was abruptly cancelled for unknown reasons.
The governor or his representatives did not contest these allegations. However, the PML candidates denied those charges, expressing their anguish over the nationalist-mullah combination against the so-called king’s party.
In the Quetta city, very important political personalities from the rival parties are facing each other on the single NA seat. Earlier, the Quetta-Chaghai district was a single seat but now it is divided into two seats — one is Chaghai-cum-parts-of-Quetta and the other is the main city centre.
There is a seat adjustment also. The BNP is supporting Mahamood Khan Achakzai in the Quetta city, and the PMAP is backing Habib Jalib in Quetta-cum-Chaghai. Both the candidates are facing two stalwarts of the JUI, Hafiz Hussain Sharodi in Quetta and Hafiz Hussain Ahmed, a former senator and outspoken leader, in the Chaghai constituency. A former federal minister, Sardar Fateh Mohammad Hasni, is also an important candidate from the Chaghai NA constituency. It makes the fight very interesting for political observers of the Balochistan scene. Three of the JUI nominees — Maulana Mohammad Sherani, Gul Mohammad Dhomar and Maulvi Rehmatullah — are expected to have a smooth sailing, giving the JUI an edge over other parties in the NA seat contest.
NA-126 IS ONE of the few lucky constituencies of the city, most of whose residents are not facing any severe civic problems as it mostly comprises the better off localities with occasional and disarrayed islands of poverty on its periphery.
The constituency includes Johar Town, Wafaqi Colony, Model Town, Faisal Town, GOR-IV, Garden Town, New Muslim Town, Iqbal Town, Walton, Gulberg, Wahdat Colony, Allama Iqbal Medical College, Punjab University, Gurumanget, Police Lines, Qurban Lines, Nabipura, Purani Abadi Canal Park and Ghandi Park.
If Johar Town lacks proper roads and gas supply, Iqbal Town residents are faced with a deficient sewerage system and people of Gulberg and adjoining localities complain of inadequate educational facilities. There is only one state-run high school for boys in Gulberg functioning in a dilapidated building in Qurban Lines.
The constituency, lacking any visible traces of biradarism, is fast becoming a hub of commercial activities resulting in increased pressure on civic amenities and escalating pollution level.
Almost all the kutcha abadis, the biggest one being the Makkah Colony, in the area was legalized back in 1985 and its residents have been major contributors to swelling the turnover well over 50 per cent.
Out of 10 contenders four —- Tariq Badruddin Banday of the PML-QA, Liaquat Baloch of the MMA and the PML-N, Fakhar Zaman of the PPP and Pervez Saleh of the National Alliance —- are major rivals. All four are known personalities. It is surprising to note that the Pakistan Awami Tehrik, whose headquarters are located in the constituency, could not field a candidate here.
More than 25,000 voters are Christians, traditionally associated with the PPP. However, this time this votebank will also be shared by Mr Saleh, who claims to be running over 2,700 free schools for the downtrodden in the area, and Mr Banday is known for his liberalism. Two priests are also canvassing for Mr Baloch. Their population is concentrated in Makkah Colony, St Mary’s Colony, Firdaus Market (Theay Pind) and FC College Colony.
Both Mr Banday and Mr Baloch are competing each other in the race for banners and posters while Mr Saleh is lagging far behind and Mr Zaman is virtually invisible in this regard.
Another interesting point to note is the printing of publicity material in the English language by Mr Saleh, who is enjoying the backing of dozens of NGOs, though it is a well known fact that most of those who are well-versed in that foreign language do not normally come out of their homes to use their right to franchise.
Mr Banday, who was returned to the National Assembly in 1993 on a PML ticket, is banking on official support and is initiating development projects in some localities —- streets in Purani Abadi, Canal Park. But the electorate, keeping in view his past performance, feels that after winning, he will be, as usual, inaccessible to them.
Mr Baloch, who has twice won the seat in the 1985 and in 1990, has the advantage of a long liaison with the electorate. Since winning from the constituency (then called NA-28) in non-party polls in 1985, he has been in constant touch with the area’s people, besides executing various uplift schemes during the Junejo era and Mr Nawaz Sharif’s first tenure.
The “coming home” of former Jamaat-i-Islami MPA Mian Mahmoodur Rashid along with his 38-strong group of councillors after the PML-QA denied him a ticket and gave it to Arshad Imran Sulehri instead, has also strengthened Liaquat Baloch’s position in Iqbal Town.
Besides PML-N-backed councillors while former PPP councillors Ashraf Khan, Sher Muhammad and Liaquat Ali are also supporting the joint candidate of the MMA and the PML-N. Fakhar Zaman depends on his party’s votebank but he, too, does not have any communication with the electorate.
Analysts say Mr Zaman could have won from the constituency had the PML-N put up its candidate against Liaquat Baloch resulting in the division of the “right wing” votebank notwithstanding Mr Saleh’s presence.
In the 1985 partyless polls, Liaquat Baloch defeated Afsar Reza Qizilbash and TV artiste Muhammad Qavi in the constituency then called NA-28.
In the 1988 elections, Khwaja Tariq Rahim of the PPP outdid Liaquat Baloch of the IJI to return to the National Assembly from NA-97. Both the Khwaja and Mr Baloch again challenged each other from the seat in 1990 and this time the latter made it.
In 1993, Tariq Banday of the PML-N defeated Baloch and Jehangir Badar of the PPP. In the 1997 polls, Ishaq Dar of the PML-N and Prof Ijazul Hasan of the PPP contested from here and the former won with a big margin. Baloch did not contest this time as the Jamaat-i-Islami had boycotted the elections.
The major contestants on PP-151 are Hurr Bukhari of the PPP, Ahad Malik of the PML-N and Arshad Imran Sulehri of the PML-QA, while Raja Munawwar Ali of the PML-QA, Chaudhry Abdul Gafoor of the PML-N and Ashraf Gill of the PPP are in the run for PP-152. —Amjad Mahmood