LAHORE, Sept 29: For the incarcerated PPP secretary-general, Jehangir Badar, his decision to contest the elections from NA-119 (Lahore-II) this time around is quite like ‘home-coming’ for him after having tried his luck from Township (NA-127 or formerly NA-97) both in 1993 and 1997.

What made Badar return to his original constituency may not be known for some time. But the guess is that he was well aware that the military government would not let Mian Shahbaz Sharif, who is living in exile in Saudi Arabia with his elder brother Mian Nawaz and the rest of the family to whom he lost the seat in 1990, come back to contest the elections.

Although NA-119 (previously NA-96) has been re-demarcated as a result of increase in the number of NA seats from the city, it still covers the heart of the city, that is, the Walled City, which the PPP ruled until Mian Shahbaz captured it in 1990 to return to the National Assembly from here in two subsequent polls.

In the absence of Mian Shahbaz Sharif, the PML-N has elevated Khwaja Saad Rafiq to the national seat for the October polls.

The third ‘serious’ contender for the seat, Mian Abdus Sattar, has been fielded by the PML-QA. Sattar, who was not known even to his neighbours in Rang Mahal, before he was elected to the Punjab Assembly, thanks to the popularity of Mian Nawaz.

He still remains a nonentity to most constituents, and is said to be picking up some courage to face the voters who voted him to the provincial assembly because he represented Mian Nawaz Sharif.

Apart from the Walled City, the constituency covers Gowalmandi, Nisbet Road, Tajpura, Brandreth Road, Dil Mohammad Road and Heera Mandi.

The support lend to any party from this constituency was considered Aawaz-i-Khalq for the outcome of any polls in the city. The areas forming the constituency used to present a very noisy and colourful sight during electioneering in the past. But the constituency appears to be quiet now, mainly owing to the absence of the mainstream leaders — Benazir Bhutto and Mian Nawaz. The rivalry between them, and their parties, used to spark off electioneering in these localities having low-income and middle class people. But these days, no electioneering by any party is visible. Most voters seem to have dissociated themselves from the elections and the main task for the candidates is to beg their participation in the process or request them to come out on E-day to vote. There is no traditional hullabaloo, no rallies, no shouts of Wazir-i-Azam Benazir and Wazir-i-Azam Nawaz Sharif. Nor does one hear the chants of Wazir-i-Azam Mian Azhar in spite of the fact that the party he heads is considered the king’s party.

Though candidates have set up their campaign offices, they are used by the people of the area to kill their time, and play cards. The old political workers are few and have lost their past vigour. Though the voters strictly remain divided on the pro- and anti-Bhutto lines, activists of both the PPP and the PML-N try to avoid stoking the old feelings and emotions against Nawaz Sharif or Benazir Bhutto because of the recent political developments and friendly relations between the two exiled leaders.

The candidates are also organizing corner meetings to ‘contact the voters’ but they are attended reluctantly by the older people and aimlessly by the younger lot as none of them is in a position to make any promise.

The constituency also covers the main wholesale markets of the country like Azam Cloth Market, Rang Mahal, Sooha Bazaar, Copper Market, Shah Alam’s various markets, and Brandreth Road. Most of the traders live in the other parts of the city or in other towns but their support has always been a deciding factor in the win of a candidate in any election.

PPP chairman Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was perhaps the first popular leader who won the hearts of the people of this constituency. The slogan of roti, kapra aur makan, and nomination of nonentities as local party leaders was enough to make people support him in 1970. And because of this support the constituency was considered to be a stronghold of the party.

The spadework by Mian Shahbaz thus made NA-119 a stronghold of the PML, with supporters ready to do anything for the Sharif family. Many were made deputy mayors, given jobs, vehicles under the yellow cab scheme and so on and so forth.

At present, Badar’s son is running his election campaign from the family’s Delhi Gate residence which he had left after becoming federal minister in 1988. The campaign is confined to the area and efforts are being made to woo the estranged old fellows in the constituency.

Badar’s campaign is being run on his single service to the Walled City, the provision of gas during his first tenure as federal minister from 1988 to 1990.

PML-N’s Khwaja Saad is playing the card of the mazloom Sharifs and trying to motivate silent PML supporters, especially in the Kashmiri strongholds of Gowalmandi, inside Mochi Gate and Misri Shah, and to divert their attention from his own record which many objected to. Jamaat-i-Islami’s limited number of voters are another support. The situation is fluid but his small corner meetings are the biggest so far.

The main biradaris are Kashmiri, Arain, Jat, Kambohs and Sheikh. They are evenly spread but Kashmiri pockets are Kashmiri Bazaar, Takia Sadhooan, Said Mittha, Gowalmandi and Tajpura. A large number of Kambohs live in Maidan Bhaian inside Mori Gate, Arains in Lohari Mandi and Jats in Shahalam Gate, Tajpura and Gowalmandi.