Shoguns of Pakistan versus parties
By Shamim-ur-Rahman
THE Legal Framework Order, 2002, has put political parties in a new situation, with a direct bearing on their election strategy. Before the Order came into being, the parties had generally thought, as evident from their statements etc, that the bread and butter issue would dominate their poll campaign, though they had also viewed foreign policy and constitutional matters as of great significance.
Now the parties are rethinking their strategies and manifestos. Many would like to focus on constitutional amendments because, according to them, the regime had no authority to introduce them, while the bread and butter issue will remain as alive as ever.
The reincarnation of the draconian and infamous Article 58- 2(b) plus the making National Security Council part of the Constitution, on the pretext of maintaining the so-called checks and balances in total disregard of the will of the people, has put the parties in a quandary.
The way Gen Pervez Musharraf has tried to make the changes part of the Constitution speaks of the long-term objectives of the shoguns of Pakistan, and the helplessness of the parties which have mostly served as a Trojan horse for the men in uniform.
Unfortunately, the parties or their leaders are not courageous enough to admit that during their short and unstable stints they had no free hand in managing all the affairs of the country. That rules of the game for them were settled by the so-called establishment.
For the parties the message is loud and clear — might is right. At least one must give the devil his due by appreciating his openness in admitting the fact that military must have a role to govern the country from the front. Perhaps the GHQ is not sure of the future proxies yet.
Gen Musharraf was right when he stressed the need for checks and balances between the various organs of the state. But what he announced was tantamount to checkmating the parties before they even entered the arena. In the amendments one clearly sees how he would react when the underdog prime minister would even think of removing any of the services chiefs. One knows the fate of the late Mohammad Khan Junejo. Mainstream parties say it would be naive to expect the representatives of the three services to accept any decision of a civilian prime minister which went against them. So, it would be wrong to assume that the latest changes to the Constitution would create a balance of power. In fact, what Gen Musharraf communicated at his latest press conference is: take it or leave it, the military is here to stay for a long time. If anybody tries to change that paradigm, he would be taken to task and would be condemned as corrupt, a traitor, etc., and would be forced to leave the country, they say.
The 8th Amendment was a time-bomb ticking in the body politic of Pakistan. It was placed in the Constitution by a dictator who was supported by fanaticism and, on having failed to impose his pseudo-Islamic agenda on the people, needed an instrument to repress the representative political forces whenever democracy started to flourish. Gen Zia died having had a chance to use the 8th Amendment only once and although his legacy was defeated in the elections of 1988, the forces that he nurtured and represented went underground, infiltrating all sections of society and all institutions, including political parties. Their agenda is clear. They believe that only fanatics like them have the right to rule the country.
Politicians believe that the 8th Amendment, which was done away with, had opened the floodgate for political opportunists. With the revival of 58(2) (b) the president has become the de facto prime minister, amending election laws at will, openly organizing and encouraging the king’s party, and laying the groundwork for a hung parliament.
They say a hung parliament will cause economic disruption only and bring the political system to the point of collapse. This is exactly what the extremists want.
Perhaps the shoguns will coast home safely this time also because, unfortunately, parties do not have the capacity to put a formidable challenge, despite their claim to represent the teeming millions, who are denied of basic amenities to keep the men in uniform in comfort.
It is to be seen whether the emerging political forces and the old guard work together for permanently removing the threat of military interventions and in assuming real power for the people or they would be arrayed against each other and spoil the broth, to the advantage of the Bonapartists.
It has become vital not only to radically transform the relationship between the state and society but also to find a sustainable basis for national security.
Perhaps the policy of heavy reliance on foreign resource mobilization by successive governments has marginalized the elected representatives from the task of shaping their own destiny, which is evident from the fact that the IMF conditionalities, imposed upon elected governments by successive care-taker governments, have virtually acted as the national budgets for successive years, which left little room for manoeuvring by elected governments to implement the agenda on which they received the mandate of the people.
The parties believe that a well-calculated, malicious and defamatory campaign was launched by the establishment through the electronic and the print media against politics, political parties and politicians. Politics was declared anathema for our people, political parties as unsuitable for our civil society, and politicians the cause of all evils. Parliamentary democracy was called “sham democracy” and criticized as inconsonant to our culture and heritage.
In the name of “checks and balances” the proposed package entrusts the president with immense powers over the elected the prime minister, and places parliament in a subservient position which, according to the Constitution, is a sovereign body. In other words, the proposed amendment seeks to institutionalize dictatorship and change the status of parliament from a sovereign to an irrelevant institution, the politicians maintain.
Such presidential powers will ultimately lead to a tussle with parliament even if the elections are rigged and a pliant parliament is formed. It would lead to both domestic and regional instability.
According to them, the NSC is against the spirit of parliamentary democracy and aims at legitimizing the army’s interference in the politics. All major parties say the proposed package is a prescription to ‘shame democracy.’

