| June 9, 2002 | Sunday | Rabi-ul-Awwal 27,1423 |
The vanishing thumris
Remarkable victories for the righteous
ONCE a very popular form of semi-classical music, the thumri has now almost totally vanished from our ethos, not because of the incompetence of our frontline classical singers to practise this genre, but because the electronic media closed their doors on it.
US Defence Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, during a visit to London and Brussels earlier this week, warned the European leaders to face up to the dangers of weapons of mass destruction - especially biological ones - in the hands of terrorists.
Mr Rumsfeld repeated the US stance of “pre-emptive action” to deal with “rogue states” and groups such as Al Qaeda.
The so called axis of evil _ Iran, Iraq and North Korea — was mentioned again in the NATO briefing. “If we do not prepare promptly we could well experience attacks in our countries that could make the events of Sept 11 seem modest by comparison,” Mr Rumsfeld said, adding that terrorists were “aggressively” trying to acquire chemical, biological and nuclear weapons.
He said: “Absolute proof cannot be a precondition for action.” This was an indication that US may take a unilateral military action against Iraq if European nations refused to take part in the operation to topple Saddam Hussain.
The European countries so far are undecided on whether to support the US stance on Iraq but now the mood in Europe is changing fast and a senior US official has confirmed that at present there is a consensus in NATO for “pre- emptive” strikes to combat terrorism, though, crucially, no agreement on specific plans has been reached yet.
But as far as President Bush’s concept of “axis of evil” is concerned, there are still doubts about it in Europe.
NATO is coming under increasing pressure from the US to be able to fight terrorism and deploy its forces rapidly, but Europe is not ready yet to increase defence spending.
But Britain supports the idea of modernizing NATO and believes that the organization should take its fight to the terrorists and wants an increase in the organization’s military spending.
Being a very close ally of the US, Britain is more vulnerable to terrorist attacks and the government is working on a plan to reassess the security system within the country and the media are reporting that a list of hundreds of potential terrorist targets including key government buildings and installations vital to Britain’s economy has been drawn up.
The key buildings and installations, including oil refineries, nuclear power stations and vital communications centres, have had their security profiles urgently reassessed because of the threat.
Terrorism is not new to Britain. What is new is the threat of suicide bombers. To cope with this new danger, the government in London is trying its best to do whatever it can to minimize the risk.
The buildings on the official list are the country’s 15 nuclear power stations, the main national grid sites, oil installations, petrochemical facilities, key defence companies and research centres such as the chemical defence agency.
There is no doubt that Britain’s’ security agencies at present are faced with two-pronged threats _ one from anti-West outfits and the other from a dissident group of the Irish Republican Army (IRA).
Only last week East Belfast came under attack, which the police believe, was carried out by the provisional IRA. The police say the provisional IRA is orchestrating attacks in East Belfast in order to turn the area into a flashpoint between Roman Catholics and Protestants.
In the attack five Protestants were shot and now the security agencies are trying their best to prevent retaliation by Protestants.
This type of violence in Northern Ireland is similar in some ways to the sectarian violence in Pakistan.
THE risk of a terrorist attack is always higher on special occasions. The security agencies had taken extraordinary security measures in London during last week’s golden jubilee celebrations of Queen Elizabeth’s reign.
The celebrations were seen as a big test of the popularity of the British royal family. To the great satisfaction of the royals, tens of thousands of people, the number sometimes reaching one million, thronged the streets of London to take part in the celebrations and send a message that they still want to hold on to the monarchy.
During the celebrations the mood of the people showed that British monarchy is not a thing of the past and that the nation is in no mood to throw away its 900 years of royal tradition.
Many of the people had camped overnight for the best vantage points, straining for a glimpse of the royal family.
The Queen herself could have realised that several scandals associated with the royal family in the recent years has hardly tarnished its overall image. It is very interesting to see that a nation which pays scant regard to tradition is sticking to royalty merely to keep the tradition alive.
Because of its lyrical content, the thumri was popular in what was then the northern belt of British India, which included the Punjab, Delhi, United Provinces and areas near their eastern-most precincts known as the Purab. The thumri had its osmosis in Oudh, when the philandering nawabs ruled it with Lucknow as its capital, where it flourished in the 19th century. The nawabs of Oudh, especially Wajid Ali Shah, were more interested in pleasures of the flesh than managing the political affairs of their state efficiently.
In a thumri, elaboration of the lyrical contents and how the words are expressed through tonal-verbal modulations are more important than the technicalities and scalar foundations of the ragas in which these are composed. According to some musicologists, the thumri is an improvement on the khayal as, depending upon the skill and quality of the voice of the singer, it helps in prolonging the pleasing impact of a rendition. The thumri is bedecked with such decorations as zamzamas (sparkling graces) and lilting embellishments.
When Muslim rule in India was tottering and the resultant insecurity stemming from anarchy prevailed, a majority of musicians attached with the Moghul court in Delhi shifted to areas of relative peace and safety in smaller princely states and principalities. The exodus from Delhi gave birth to a new musical movement, which sought to seek some relaxation from the structural rigidities of the khayal that would allow singers to express lighter forms of music. This trend among the musicians resulted in the evolution of the thumri and the dadra, two closely related genres, which became the vogue during the first half of the 19th century.
Used as a feminine gender, a thumri is indicative of a striking note of tenderness. Its themes invariably relate to some aspect of love suggestive of amorous separation, playful, coquettish and erotic sentiments; supplication and solicitation. Believed to be a derivative of the thummak (a graceful stamping of the foot) the thumri subtly points to its links with dancing.
Like other genres, the thumri has its own distinct characteristics, which distinguish it from other modes of musical expression. The lyrical contents of its composition play a major role in creating an enduring impact on the listeners. The lyrics of some thumris have dual meanings, spiritual and mundane. The ragas in which a majority of thumris are composed are bhairveen, tilak kamod, khammaj, tilang, maand, pahari and kafi. As an exception to the general rule, the thumris have also been composed in ragas behag and sohni. Thumri compositions are trapped in such taals (time measures) as chaacher (corrupted as chanchal), Punjabi theka and a slow teentaal.
In Pakistan, where due to a variety of reasons classical music has lost ground to modern pop varieties, a number of light classical genres such as the thumri, the dadra and the tappas have been pushed into oblivion. However, only a few decades ago all senior classical vocalists used to sing thumris as an adjunct to the khayal. Among the greatest exponents of the Benares and Lucknow styles of thumri-singing were Ustad Abdul Karim Khan and his pupil Roshan Ara Begum of the Kirana gharana; Ustad Fayyaz Khan (Agra gharana) Begum Akhtar (formerly Akhtaribai Faizabadi) and Rasoolan Bai representing the Poorbi style; Ustad Bade Ghulam Ali Khan and his brother Ustad Barkat Ali Khan and Mukhtar Begum of the Punjabi Patiala gharana.
Later Pakistani classical vocalists like Ustan Salamat Ali Khan, Ustan Fateh Ali Khan-Amanat Ali Khan, Mukhtar Begum, Ijaz Husain Hazarvi; the Hamid Ali Khan-Asad Ali Khan duo, Fareeda Khanum and Iqbal Bano demonstrated their skill and prowess in singing thumris from Radio Pakistan and at private functions.
Included in the distinct features of the thumri are: flexibility in the elaboration of ragas without the structural demands of their scalar basis; greater reliance on tonal-verbal modulations; preference for a feminine voice and reliance on folk-oriented ragas in their compositions.
INFORMATION Minister Nisar Memon told reporters last week President Gen Pervez Musharraf had snatched a ‘remarkable diplomatic victory’ over the Indians at Almatay.
He said international opinion was fast changing in favour of Pakistan and that “our friends now understand our point of view far better than before.” He also said the Indians had realized that an escalation of the military crisis was not to their advantage.
The part about a diplomatic coup by the general, of course, is the most believable. The general, in fact, has made it something of a habit. The Agra summit may have failed to make a headway in terms of progress towards normal relations between the nuclear-armed neighbours but he was universally acknowledged to have won his debate with Indian editors. He got the presidency in the bargain, as Rafiq Tarar was relieved of the office to make it possible for the general to enjoy better protocol on his India visit. And who can forget the telephone conversation with US Secretary of State Colin Powell immediately after the September 11 attacks. Pledging Pakistan to an anti-terrorist alliance faster than you can say Osama Bin Laden, he earned for himself the privilege to tell off the Indians. Pakistan First, he explained, and Generals Usmani and Mahmood were replaced. Even at Kathmandu, where things seemed so tough, he produced his famous handshake, forcing an unsuspecting Indian prime minister on to the back foot. That’s him. He surprises you when he does not surprise you. Has not the government confirmed resignation by Foreign Minister Abdus Sattar? No surprises there, Mr Memon.
The part about a better appreciation of our position by our friends is less clear. Who are the friends he is referring to? Could it be the people who said India was justified in massing troops along the border and attacking Pakistan and that it was for us to remove the irritants in a manner New Delhi found acceptable? An what is our position?
The Indian position seems to be that Gen Musharraf’s government has gone back on its commitment to stop militants from entering the occupied Kashmir and that many of the people rounded up in its January crackdown on extremists have been released. Worse, its leaders allege the government is indeed sponsoring cross-border attacks. Worse still, former prime minister Benazir Bhutto, suspecting the general of having agreed to a ‘secret deal’ to de-escalate the tension, was quoted by the All India Radio not only to have endorsed the view but also implied that the general was given to making pledges he did not mean to honour. Prime Minister Vajpayee, who carefully avoided risking another handshake in Almatay, has said patrolling of the Line of Control by monitors including Indian forces is the only acceptable way. Richard Armitage, the US deputy secretary of state, says he has suggested that India should formally propose joint patrolling. According to Mr Memon, Pakistan is willing to discuss that. This appears, indeed, to be a better appreciation of the Indian position by Pakistan.
There also seems to be little evidence that India is any less prepared to press on. In Brussels, Gen Richard Myers, the US Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee chairman, said a contingency plan had been developed to relocate US forces in the event of war. In Tokyo, the government announced it had chartered a plane to evacuate Japanese citizens from New Delhi. From Lahore, the British Council director was recalled in view of the security situation and a spy drone was shot down near Raiwind only hours after Mr Memon’s reassuring talk.
Should we yield, or develop a better appreciation of the Indian objectives, is, of course, another matter.
IT is best perhaps to remember that Almatay translates as Apple Place and is the Bagh-i-Seeb of the Talism-i-Hoshruba to which Lord Laqa of Bactria (north east Afghanistan) fled after a series of defeats at the hands of the invincible Amir Hamza. That things were rarely what they appeared to be in the magic kingdom made the might and courage of Hamza’s warriors quite irrelevant. It took all the legendary skills and gifts of a relentless Khwaja Amr and his special services group to undo Afrasiab, the magician king, through espionage, deceit and wizardry and by forging a series of unlikely but beneficial alliances.
In a 1970 poem, Mustafa Zaidi, already grown cynical, had suggested that the Ayyar was currently editing two newspapers at war with each other from day one.
THE Alliance for Restoration of Democracy leader Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan indicated last week it was willing now to meet the president. Qazi Husain Ahmad of the Muttahida Majlis-i-Amal, according to Mr Memon, has already shown a similar willingness. Together, this is practically all of the opposition.
The million dollar question is what has made the opposition leaders change their mind after refusing to see the president when they were first invited. There seems to have been little change in the government’s position. It is still unwilling to listen about former prime ministers Nawaz Sharif and Benazir’s return, leave alone inviting or consulting them. The schedule for general elections and the chief election commissioner remain unchanged and there is no sign of an interim national government. Nor have the circumstances changed. The armies remain massed along the border and the consultation is likely to be limited to a briefing. While the politicians might be allowed to make their speeches, there is no indication that they will determine government policy.
ZAFRAN Bibi, sentenced earlier by a sessions court to death by stoning, was released last week following a predictable Federal Shariat Court verdict overturning her adultery conviction.
Welcoming the court order, a victory of sorts, a large number of rights activists reiterated their demand for repeal of the Hudood laws. Federal Minister Attiya Enayatullah, too, said a revision was warranted.
As with blasphemy and treason laws, the onus has been on the judiciary to protect the accused by salvaging something akin to justice from the operation of what most jurists regard as flawed and discriminatory legislation. While the honourable superior courts have consistently risen to the challenge, the subordinate courts have done less well.
While admitting recently the possibility of a false conviction, the Council of Islamic Ideology chairman stopped short of saying the law was flawed. The fault, he implied, was in the way it was being interpreted and enforced. A fine distinction, but does not legislation have to be judged from the results it produces rather than the lawmaker’s intention? And what stops the government from training the judges concerned in how the law is to be interpreted or amending it so that is no more liable to misinterpretation?
There is also the suspicion that fear of hostile public opinion — even violent backlash — may be a factor in the subordinate courts’ inability to reach the right conclusions. That a Lahore High Court judge who upheld an appeal in a blasphemy case had to pay for it with his life, may not be easily forgotten. —- onlooker