| June 7, 2002 | Friday | Rabi-ul-Awwal 25,1423 |
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A matter of self-interest
SECP office for Sialkot
Bank lockers
Protecting wildlife
Harassing women drivers
Margalla fires
Setting the record straight
Be fair
World Cup fever
Role of assembly speakers
Lahore
THIS is in reference to Mr Shahid Kardar’s article of June 3 titled “Reviewing farm Policy”. The writer has extensively criticized the government policy of procurement of wheat and fixing its support price. He has also dealt with sugarcane. Mr Kardar has given his views as a finance person, totally oblivious of problems farmers face on the ground. I would like to dwell on the subject, being a farmer myself, and focus only on wheat.
The basic government policy on agriculture, and particularly on wheat, had been that its price, stocking and distribution was controlled by the auxiliary departments of the provincial and federal governments. However, the federal government alone has control over its import. There are a number of reasons for this foremost among them being to make wheat available at affordable prices, especially in urban areas.
The government did this as its duty to feed a large population and particularly the poor. To achieve this the government invested huge amounts in building storage depots and developing other infrastructure. For decades, it not only regulated the procurement price to the disadvantage of the farmer but also restricted free movement of wheat between provinces. In fact, when there was an acute shortage of wheat there were instances of deputy commissioners forcibly taking over stocks at the farms in order to avert a law and order problem.
This happened in the NWFP right after the 1997 elections. Then, no economist or financial expert, including Mr Kardar, ever wrote in favour of farmers advocating that the government pay them the market price.
This policy of wheat procurement at fixed prices by the government continued till March, 2001. However, just a month before the start of wheat procurement season, without giving any advance notice to the farming community, the government took a U-turn on its old policy. The farmers went into in state of shock as in the new policy the financial managers of the government decided to follow the principle of a free market economy.
And, as always has been the case, they started the experiment not with the rich in the industry but with wheat farmers who are generally the least well off. They drastically reduced the targets set for the procurement season for 2001 without making alternate arrangements for the farming community for the sale of their (the farming community’s) wheat. This resulted in a colossal loss to farmers who lost Rs 40 to Rs 60 on every 40 kg of wheat produced. The wheat estimates for that year were over 20 million tons. According to certain estimates, purely due to the wrong policy of the government, around Rs 20 billion went into the pockets of procurement agencies.
In spite of over-production and the government’s reluctance to purchase at the higher support price the benefit never got transferred to the consumer as should have been the case. Instead, the public at large still bought their flour at the government price.
Since President Musharraf announced special incentives for wheat growers we have become self-sufficient in wheat. Not a single grain has been imported, rather we have exported wheat. As for the price differential which Mr Kardar is making a subject of criticism, it can be explained in one sentence. Is it better to subsidize US farmers by importing wheat or Pakistani farmers by exporting it?
If the intention is to deregulate wheat, or for that matter all other farm produce, as is being suggested by Mr Kardar, then free market forces should be applied to all crops. Deregulation in the meantime should be phased out gradually over a period of a few years so that the cropping patterns do not face unexpected shocks.
I am glad that this government experiment only lasted one year and after having quickly realized its faulty policy, they have reverted to the old farmer-friendly method.
The tale of cotton, rice and sugarcane is yet another story.
ISHAQ KHAN KHAKWANI
Vehari
THE question raised by Mr Kunwar Idris in his article on June 2 — why the world believes India but not Pakistan — is an important one. His short answer is that the world “views India as a democracy and Pakistan as a theocracy. This view stays constant no matter whether the government here is elected or military”.
On the surface, Mr Idris’ answer appears to be sound. However, when examined carefully, in the context of the ground realities, we find that there are serious flaws in it. Mr Idris would have us believe that the world (I presume he means the US and the West) loves “democracy” and hates “theocracy”. This is not necessarily true. What is true is that the US and the West are great supporters of “democracy” and “democratic” principles only as long as these serve their national interests; when these run counter to their national interests they will oppose it most vehemently. Let us consider a few examples.
In December, 1991, in the first parliamentary elections ever held in Algeria, the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS) won the largest number of votes. The elections were reported to be free and fair, and FIS should have been allowed to form the government. However, there was a hue and cry in the US and the West against the prospects of an Islamic party coming into power. Eventually, the military authorities in Algeria cancelled the election results. More recently, the elected government of President Hugo Chavez in Venezuela — often at odds with the American foreign and economic policy objectives — was overthrown in a military coup. The US made no attempt to conceal its joy, which, however, was short-lived as Chavez was restored to power after a few days.
In East Timor the US and the West actively supported the principle of self-determination for the Christian population of East Timor because they perceived it to be in their national interest. Their efforts in this regard were successful. However, in the case of Kashmir, the US and the West have never shown any enthusiasm for the principle of self-determination for the Kashmiris, in spite of the fact that this right has been guaranteed to them through the relevant resolutions of the Security Council.
It should, therefore, be abundantly clear that the US and the West will support “democracy” and “democratic” principles only when these promote their national interests. Similarly, the US and the West will have no compunction, or pangs of conscience, in supporting “theocratic” or even “dictatorial” regimes, if these regimes are perceived by them to advance their national interest.
The argument of Mr Idris, that the US and the West “believe” India — even when that country is guilty of massive human rights violations — is, therefore, wide off the mark. They “believe” India because they have a long term strategic interest in building up that country as an effective counter-weight in any future confrontation with China.
SALAHUDDIN K. LEGHARI
Lahore
SIALKOT, Gujranwala, and Gujrat are big Industrial cities of the country. Sialkot produces surgical and sports goods while Gujrat is famous for its fans and furniture. Likewise, Gujranwala has many heavy industrial units. These cities not only meet local demand but also export their manufactures and earn valuable foreign exchange for Pakistan.
Though the Securities and Exchange Commission of Pakistan is doing an excellent job by introducing reforms and providing facilities to the companies, it has opened no office in any of the above cities. People connected with industry in these cities have to visit the Lahore or Islamabad offices of the SECP which is a waste of time and money. If there were an SECP office in these cities it would save people a lot of bother.
The government of Pakistan, with the participation of the private sector, is constructing an international airport in Sialkot. This airport will boost industrial activities and attract foreign delegates and investors. Hence, all the more reason for the SECP to open an office in preferably Sialkot.
SAGHEER HUSSAIN
Sialkot
SEVERAL Karachi branches of the National Bank of Pakistan have recently published notices asking their customers to pay the rent due on their bank-maintained lockers within a certain period of time or else the lockers will be forcibly opened and emptied.
The fact worth noticing in these notices is that the amount of rent due from the locker-holders is quite large since in many cases dues have not been paid for as long as twenty years. May I ask how will the bank recover the overdue rent if the lockers are found empty? This usually is the case when the lockers are broken, and is something I experienced during my banking career. Why were the lockers allowed to remain closed for such a long time and why were the defaulters not reminded after the first year as is the usual practice?
I wonder if the bank management is taking disciplinary action against the officials responsible.
S.A. HASSAN
Okara
BEFORE partition, it was usual for our family to visit our lands in Patiala state every year when schools and colleges closed for the long summer vacation. In addition to the two hundred mile-long railway journey via Amritsar and Ludhiana, we had to cover a distance of between 10 and 12 miles on a katcha road to reach our destination, a collection of rural mud dwellings. It was a pleasant diversion from a large city’s hectic life. Needless to say we used to enjoy every moment of it.
What fancied our imagination while travelling in Patiala state most were the deer and peacocks that would roam freely there, undisturbed by hunters or poachers. The state authorities would punish with imprisonment or fines anybody caught violating the game laws.
Why could the same not be done here? That the Pakistan government cannot enforce as much discipline as a small principality in India is something to be regretted. The usual reply that a wildlife department employee gives is that the Muslims here will gun down all animals and eat them. A more idiotic reply than that could hardly be imagined since — and most people here will not know — Patiala was a Muslim majority state.
When there are rascals all around how can the wildlife department alone maintain orderliness? Will the authorities concerned think over this issue and make our countryside attractive?
AKRAM WASTI
Lahore
IT is hard enough being a woman in a male-dominated society, but having to put up with the traffic police is a test I refuse to endure.
With the introduction of the ticketing system the fortunes of traffic policemen have improved, because of the commission they now charge. They seem to have now firmly set their sights on every female driver in the city. My case in point pertains to double parking in F-10 Markaz. This is not an offence but a necessity considering that one can never find any parking there.
People — at least people like myself — do not enjoy blocking someone’s car in the market. It is because of the lack of space that we have to do this. And it is for this reason that I usually leave my children in the car, so that in case it needs to be moved they can come and tell me.
If your a woman the traffic cops consider their moral duty to be rude to you. While we women are certainly not going to draw attention to ourselves by throwing a tantrum on the street, we can and shall raise our voices against these ill-mannered and bribe-hungry officials.
SHAHIDA MAQBOOL
Islamabad
ISLAMABAD’S Margalla Hills periodically experience devastating fire during the hot summer months. A lot of trees are destroyed by these fires and much of this happens because of the incompetence of the Capital Development Authority (CDA) and the negligence of the Emergency Relief Cell (ERC).
Last year, about the same time the Army Aviation refused to provide helicopters to the CDA for extinguishing fires unless the latter cleared its outstanding dues. This year the ERC initially refused to provide helicopters to the CDA but than spared two out of its fleet of five. The helicopters made a record number of 103 trips on the first day but the service was suspended the following day in spite of an assurance given by CDA that the charges would be paid soon.
The CDA had not paid outstanding dues of Rs. 200,000 to the ERC last year. According to a CDA official, funds for paying this amount will be allocated in the coming budget. Forty five large and small fires have reportedly broken out in the Margallas in the current season. Since the last few years they have become a recurring feature, but despite that the CDA has been found sleeping.
The country is passing through a critical period. Lower rainfall and increased deforestation have meant that our forest cover is rapidly shrinking. It is criminal that the authorities concerned do not act to protect this national wealth. Some heads must roll for this act of callousness.
LT COL (R) SYED AHMED
Karachi
THIS refers to the letter, “Corruption in Wapda”, by Aslam Ijaz (May 28). It calls for the facts on ground to be presented so to set the record straight for the benefit of the readers and to remove any misconceptions.
Corruption in Wapda is the story of the past and since the army’s coming to its rescue in early 1999 a lot of improvement has been seen in discipline, management affairs, revenue recovery, the reduction of line losses, and in rooting out corruption from the organization.
As far as line losses are concerned, these have been undoubtedly reduced from 42 per cent to 25 per cent in the last three years. It also needs to be remembered that not all losses are administrative. They are divided into two main categories: technical and administrative or theft. Around two per cent of auxiliary consumption in powerhouses is in fact not counted as part of line losses. Secondly, transmission, transformation and grid station losses, which stand at less than eight per cent, are also within permissible limits considering the vastness of the transmission system and the geographic and climatic conditions of our country.
This leaves distribution losses of a little over 15 per cent distribution and this includes administrative losses or theft. These could be on the higher side but efforts are being made to reduce them. All possible measures are also being taken to eliminate electricity theft.
Had the writer quoted the specific case of the alleged meter tampering or the payment of monthly amounts to Wapda employees, he would have seen the culprits going punished. In an unprecedented move, nearly 2,400 officers and staff have already received been either dismissed, removed or compulsorily retired from service in the last three years on charges of corruption.
Under the present management as many as 2.8 million consumer complaints have been redressed during the last three years, something that was non-existent in the past. Subsidies are costly and not feasible and the writer’s suggestion to have a fixed rate for airconditioners does not sound good. However, incentives have been generously offered to the manufacturing and agriculture sectors.
NAEEM HAIDER SYED
Public Relations, Wapda
I WAS frankly amused by your editorial in which you criticized India for its so-called human rights abuses as mentioned in Amnesty International’s recent report. Your editorial completely left out Pakistan’s mention in the same report about its treatment to women.
It would be fair to expect your newspaper to be even-handed and introspective in its editorials as least.
GIRISH VAIDYA
Aurangabad, India
THE spectacular gala of the opening ceremony of the soccer world cup was a treat to watch. Every nation that reached the finals was represented by beautiful white triangles. Millions throughout the world watched and cheered their national teams.
As a soccer fan, one couldn’t have asked for more, but as a Pakistani soccer fan one really would like to experience our own team representing us at the world cup. I wonder when that will happen.
M. MUTI-UR-REHMAN MUMTAZ
Karachi
IN his article “Reforming the parliament” (May 26), Anwar Syed has been less than fair in blaming national assembly speakers for not being independent or impartial.
The reverse is true. Several speakers have shown both independence and impartiality. As someone associated with the working of the parliament secretariat for about 16 years I might be permitted to recall some examples to support my case.
The foremost example that comes to mind is that of the first speaker of the constituent and national assemblies of Pakistan, the late Moulvi Tamizuddin Khan. He filed a writ in the Sindh Chief Court against the assembly’s dissolution by Governor-General Ghulam Muhammad. The poor fellow had to appear in the court in a ‘burqa’ to file the petition.
Then, there are two speakers, namely, Syed Fakhar Imam, of the national assembly, and Mr Haroon of the Sindh assembly. They lost their post after no-confidence motions introduced against them at the behest of the ruling parties and the governments. Both were well known for asserting their authority, as well as for their fair-mindedness.
Perhaps Mr Meraj Khalid was the only speaker able to win the trust of both government and opposition benches. He is regarded as the most neutral speaker we have had. His conduct during the no-confidence moved against Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto enhanced the prestige of the assembly.
It would be pertinent in this regard to cast an eye over the corruption case pending against the past speaker Syed Yousaf Raza Gilani. It is not my intention to comment on the merits of the case. However, at the heart of the matter, in this instance, is the power and independence of the speaker. By tradition, a speaker’s judgment, both as the presiding officer in the legislature and as head of the house administration, is beyond challenge and scrutiny, except by the house finance committee or by a committee of the house specially constituted for this purpose. I might mention another anecdote about Syed Yousuf Raza Gilani. When the assembly was dissolved in 1996 he brought a petition to the Supreme Court. The then chief justice asked him how he could be an aggrieved party when he still enjoyed the office of speaker and flew the national flag on his car.
Analysts who blame presiding officers of the house often forget that the civil society in Pakistan has made no symbolic gesture in support of established state structures. While assemblies have fallen like ninepins after the advent of every new administration their fall is documented in such glorious words like ‘every revolution creates its own law-creating organ’ or ‘not a single tear was shed from any quarter to mourn the loss’.
JONAID IQBAL
Islamabad
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