THE mandatory provision of the Local Government Ordinance, 2001, for holding elections of village and neighbourhood councils within 90 days of assumption of office by the Tehsil Municipal Administration has not been complied with so far either because of lack of knowledge or sheer indifference on the part of the authorities.

Section 93 of the Local Government Ordinance requires that within 90 days of assumption of the office, upon a proposal of the TMA as the case may be:

i) The tehsil council may determine and declare by a notification a village or a neighbourhood council in urban areas in the tehsil, to have a village council or as the case may be neighbourhood council and number of members to be elected for such council; and

ii) the town council may determine and declare by a notification a neighbourhood or a village in rural areas in the town, to have a neighbourhood council or as the case may be, village council, and number of members to be elected for such councils.

The law states: Where a tehsil council or a town council does not make declaration referred to in Section 93 or where a tehsil municipal administration or, as the case may be, a town municipal administration fails to conduct elections of village or neighbourhood councils within 90 days referred to in sub-section, the district government shall make such declaration or, as the case may be conduct the elections of village and neighbourhood councils within 30 days from the declaration made by it.

However, the TMA has neither made the declaration of villages and neighbourhood nor conducted the polls.

Experts observed that this negligence would further intensify backwardness, under development, insanitation and inadequate water supply in villages and urban areas. It would also create a vacuum in the task of development and affect the commitment made to the citizens under the district government system.

All the six tehsil administrations kept sleeping while the deadline for conducting the elections of village and neighbourhood councils on Nov 14 passed.

It is learnt that most of the newly-deputed officers in the local governments have not studied the ordinance nor did they have a knowledge of the sections of the law which were incorporated only for them.

The delay will further hit the development and water supply schemes as well as disposal of garbage in village and neighbourhood council areas. Legal experts commenting on this sorry state of affairs of the TMAs said disregard of such mandatory provisions showed that the inventor of the Local Government Ordinance was perceiving and placing at a very high pedestal the office of the Nazim. The inventor had perceived that the Nazim would be a person of extraordinary qualities possessing commendable potential of leadership and vision to oversee delivery of services by the tehsil municipal administration and implementation of the laws governing the municipal services.

One wonders if any of the Nazims has ever bothered to go through the law pertaining to duties and assignments of his office. If so, there would definitely have been noticeable improvement in the TMAs set up under the devolution plan. The ground realities reveal a pathetic and regrettable state of affairs. Wherever one goes to see the working of these local councils, one finds a complete chaos.

When asked about non-constitution of village and neighbourhood councils, the Nazim of the Tehsil Municipal Administration, Samundri, Rana Farooq Saeed Khan, said in fact according to the spirit of the Local Government Ordinance, a number of administrative measures were required to be completed on assumption of office by them, i.e. Aug 14, 2001. But unfortunately a majority of such steps was either in the planning stage or yet to be taken by the agencies concerned, including merger of staff of at least 12 provincial departments and shifting of the record.

In the absence of such a vital obligation, how could they take the initiative for acceleration and implementation of their functional assignment, he asserted.

LARKANA suffers from a plethora of problems, mostly because the concept of planning is missing from life. Thus the most disorganized departments are those of health and education. Likes and dislikes, coupled with political considerations, have played havoc with these institutions.

The newly-born district government is, therefore, facing the problem all over the province when squeezed and frozen funds had given birth to what we call a difficult situation for the Zila Nazims and others.

Over 400 primary schools are closed in the district. The reasons are that either local teachers are not available or the schools are built in far-flung areas or are occupied illegally by influential people. Also, recruitments on political grounds have negated the concept of spreading education with the focus on girls’ education. Unfortunately, the situation is very discouraging.

Health, too, suffers on this count. Medical college education and its attached facilities, in effect, present a gloomy picture. Ironically, Sindh has retained the portfolio of teaching hospitals as provincial subject but the district health has been put under the control of the district government. What a funny situation!

Now an example of how Basic Health Units, falling under the purview of the executive district office (health), work: EDO (health) Dr Mohammad Sharif Shaikh, in a letter to the Sindh home secretary, on Sept 10, 2001, revealed the fact that 16 BHUs, dispensaries and rural health centres in the Larkana district had been illegally occupied by the police and other agencies for a long time.

The truth is that at some places the residential quarters of the BHUs are occupied and at others the entire BHUs, leading to the closure of hospitals. Even magistrates and civil judges are in possession of such centres. The EDO (health) in his letter had made a request to the home secretary to take personal interest to get these centres vacated because in the absence of health facilities it is the area people who suffer most. The cruel joke is that so far no action has been taken in this regard although, according to district Nazim Khursheed Junejo, President Gen Pervez Musharraf too was told about these illegal occupations.

According to the Economic Survey of Pakistan, 1996-97, there is only one doctor for 1,737 patients and at present 74,229 doctors are registered with the Pakistan Medical and Dental Council and we have only 86,921 beds available in the 830 government hospitals in the country, with the nursing force of 22,810 personnel.

The figures tell us about the need for doctors and hospitals. Coming to the Larkana district whose growth rate, according to the District Census report of 1998, is estimated at 3.14, having average population density of about 259.6 people per square kilometre. If we study further the statistics of Larkana, we will see that the urban-rural population ratio stands at 1:3.7 where the urban population is 556,922 and the rural population is 1,370,144.

This at least gives us an idea about how much facilities are required immediately for health, as well as for education etc. Although these BHUs, dispensaries and RHUs are illegally occupied by the police and others, Wapda is regularly sending bills to the health department.

Not only this but millions of rupees may go down the drain if work on 22 BHUs, maternity homes and dispensaries started about 1998 and 1992 is left halfway. Work on 15 BHUs has already stopped, either because of the inaccessibility of the location or because of the exhausted funds allocated during the PPP government.

The buildings department was given the job to construct these health facilities but almost all the projects have been left halfway. Some buildings have been done up to the plinth level while others are incomplete in many respects. The health department did, time and again, approach the department but in vain. Sources said work on a number of BHUs — Haji Dadhro, Kothi, Veehar, Mohammad Khan Kalhoro, Karani, Wasayo Bhutto, Saidodero, Hamal, Saddik Machi, Miandad Chingni, Wadho Kalhoro, Mohammad Khan Bhutto, Ghulam Kambar Jatoi, Gaibidero, Khabbar — had been left halfway.

Five dispensaries located in Aarija, Bahman, Jain Abro, Daffar, Mehro Khan Junejo and two maternity homes at Mirokhan and Ratodero are decaying due to the non-availability of funds. Even in certain cases the Anti-Corruption Establishment had registered cases as the buildings before completion had developed cracks because of the use of substandard material.

The need of the hour is to make operational these illegally occupied BHUs for the general good of the people.

BEFORE one forgets the count, let us see how many nationalist parties are functional or non-functional in Sindh and what have they done for the rights of the underprivileged, a cause so dear to all the nationalist leaders.

Perhaps important among them are: Jeay Sindh Qaumi Mahaz led by Basheer Khan Qureshi, Sindh Taraqqi Pasand Party headed by Dr Qadir Magsi, who also happens to be the provincial chief of Pakistan Oppressed Nations Movement, Muttahida Qaumi Movement led by Altaf Hussain and Awami Tehreek headed by Rasul Bux Palijo. I doubt if Mr Palijo would confine himself to being called a nationalist.

Then we have the Sindh National Front, whose leader Sardar Mumtaz Ali Khan Bhutto believes in a confederal system although the SNF is a part of Ponam. That Bhutto seldom attends the meetings of the central council of Ponam is a different matter. There are quite a few Jeay Sindh”splinter groups, such as Jeay Sindh Mahaz (Syed Zain Shah group), Jeay Sindh Mahaz (Khaliq Junejo group), Jeay Sindh Muttahida Mahaz led by Shafi Burfat and Jeay Sindh Qaum Parast Party (if it is a party) headed by Qamar Bhatti.

There are two groups of the Sindh National Party, headed by Dr Dodo Mahri and Amir Bhanbhro. Incidentally, Amir Bhanbhro had expelled Dodo Mahri from the party and Dodo Mahri has retaliated by terminating the membership of Bhanbhro. The Sindh Democratic Party is led by Advocate Yousuf Leghari and comprises some intellectuals.

The Sindh Hari Committee is a legacy from Baba-i-Sindh Haider Bux Jatoi, with his grandson Azhar Jatoi as its head. There are quite a few “tonga parties” (no offence meant) which are known by the names of their leaders. These are: G.M. Bhurgari’s Sindh National Congress, Maulana Azizullah Bohio’s Sindh Sagar Party, Maulana Ubedullah Bhutto’s Jamiat Ulema-i-Sindh and Mansoor Kadir Junejo’s Sindh Analytical and Research Council.

I must have omitted some others like the Sindh Intellectual Forum, for it is very difficult to keep track of all the nationalist leaders and parties. All the parties with Jeay Sindh prefix stand for an independent Sindh — sovereign in all respects. All of them have the same programme and they believe in the philosophy of G.M Syed.

Originally, there was only one party founded by G.M. Syed but later each leader wanted to replace G.M Syed as the supreme leader. The Zain Shah group left JSQM because it thought the party was full of criminals. Zain Shah joined Khaliq Junejo’s Jeay Sindh Mahaz, which has again split into two groups. JSMM leaders also levelled similar allegations against the JSQM leadership and founded their own party.

Similarly, Dr Dodo Mahri parted ways with Dr Qadir Magsi’s STPP and founded the SNP which has again split into two. Three senior office-bearers of the Sindh Taraqqi Pasand Party: Hussain Bux Thebo who was considered a party ideologue, Dr Rahim Solangi and Punhal Sario: have also left the party.

The internecine fighting among the nationalist parties and groups has greatly disappointed the people of Sindh but unfortunately the majority always prefers to remain a mute spectator. It is extremely difficult for a law-abiding and peace-loving citizen to raise his voice against an individual or a group of individuals who have the clout and the muscle power. It can be said without any fear of contradiction that even the law-enforcement agencies are afraid of nationalist parties.

A poor prisoner is always brought to court in hand-cuffs but woe to him who is not respectful to the nationalist leader. If anyone has any doubt he should visit central jail here or any other jail for that matter and see the difference between the living conditions of ordinary prisoners and the so-called political prisoners.

This is, however, besides the point. The “fact in issue”, as an attorney-at-law would say: “is why don’t these national parties form a united front for the rights of Sindh,” which they are always proclaiming through the beat of the drum? The reason is that there is no sincerity of purpose. It is the cult of personality which has taken roots among the leaders of nationalist parties. No one wants to play second fiddle although all of them are harping on the same tune and that includes the component parties of Ponam.

At present all the nationalist parties within or outside Ponam have similar agenda. All are against the influx of Afghan refugees into Sindh and the rehabilitation of illegal immigrants in the province. And this includes the MQM. They are prepared to fight to death (that is what they say) against the greater Thal canal project and transfer of some dehs of the Ghotki district to Punjab. They are vehemently opposed to the constitution of district governments.

All of them hold Punjab responsible for “stealing the water share of Sindh and misappropriating and usurping the natural resources of Sindh.” Yet they are loath to unite on one platform. Whom are they trying to befool. If the nationalist leaders have any love for Sindh and are interested in resolving the problems of the oppressed people, they would discard their personal ego and elect only one supreme leader. But then this would be asking too much from them for their parties would collapse, like a house of cards.

Can anyone imagine Bashir Khan Qureshi playing second fiddle to Dr Qadir Magsi or vice versa. Unfortunately, the division among the nationalist parties has also divided the people. While the educated people are keeping themselves away from the political mainstream, the leadership has gone to the rabble rousers.

People like Rasul Bux Palijo and Yousuf Leghari had played a significant role in the founding of Ponam. Both of them being lawyers of repute had authored the constitution of Ponam. Mr Palijo was the first to leave Ponam. Mr Leghari has not attended any Ponam meeting in the recent past although he has not yet officially parted ways.

Saner elements had pinned hopes on nationalist parties, specially on the STPP and the JSQM, that since they had condemned international terrorism they would counter the propaganda of a handful of religious zealots but they disappointed the people. They would not like it but the truth must be told. Even those who live in Qasimabad, which is regarded as the stronghold of nationalist groups, are utterly disgusted with the lower cadre which thrives on bhatta. No representative of a multinational company can sell company’s products without paying protection money. But the irony is that bhatta has become a rule rather than an exception. So no one is even prepared to lodge an FIR.

The nationalist parties will have to do better, for the general election is not very far off. They should not blame the people if they lose all the seats which they surely will if they do not win the hearts of their constituents. But again this is a very tall order. Muscle power is one thing and the vote bank is quite another.